Dec 202010
 
BankingCEOTestifyBeforeHouseUseTARPCmVEDD-Lx6Xl

The Tax-Payers’ Tab: a Cool $9 Trillion and Then Some

By PAM MARTENS | [print_link]

On December 1, the Fed was forced to release details of 21,000 funding transactions it made during the financial crisis, naming names and dollar amounts. Disclosure was due to a provision sparked by Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont. The voluminous data dump from the notoriously secret Fed shows just how deeply the Federal Reserve stepped into the shoes of Wall Street and, as the crisis grew and the normal channels of lending froze, the Fed effectively replaced Wall Street and money centers banks in terms of financing. 

RIGHT: Wall Street honchos testify; all pure theater for the hoi polloi. First from left, L. Blankfein, the head of Goldman Sachs.

The Fed has thus far reported, without even disclosing specifics of its lending from its discount window, which it continues to draw a dark curtain around, that it supplied, in total, more than $9 trillion to Wall Street firms, commercial banks, foreign banks, corporations and some highly questionable off balance sheet entities. (Much smaller amounts were outstanding at any one time.)

A careful review of these data makes it highly likely the GAO will be releasing some startling findings come next July 2011. That’s when  the American people will have a much clearer picture of how the Federal Reserve shoveled taxpayer money to Wall Street by the trillions.  As a result of Senator Sanders’ legislative efforts, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) is to complete an audit by next summer of the Fed’s lending programs during the financial crisis. 

The data starkly show a comatose Wall Street being resuscitated with whatever financial might the Federal Reserve could pump into its tangled web of funding vehicles.  It also points to how the Fed was dispersing sums which dwarfed the U.S. Treasury’s $700 billion TARP (Troubled Asset Relief Program) bailout program while allowing the TARP to take the media heat for obscene funding of Wall Street.

The Fed has made the task of seeing the big picture of what it was up to exceptionally difficult by segregating its multi-prong funding into a dizzying array of spread sheets. Nonetheless, a few things jump off the pages. On the spread sheet for the Primary Dealer Credit Facility (a program to provide overnight loans to key brokerage firms, known as primary dealers because they assist the Fed in open market operations) are astronomical sums that Citigroup, Morgan Stanley and Merrill Lynch were drawing from the Fed on a regular basis from the Spring of 2008 to the Spring of 2009 (and potentially well beyond).  The three firms borrowed almost equal sums which cumulatively totaled over $6 trillion, and that does not include their borrowing from other Fed facilities. In its current release the Fed cut off these data as of May 12, 2009 while the program lasted until February 1, 2010, making the full extent of this funding unknown at present.  Calls to the Fed on this point had not been answered at press time.

Citigroup owns one of the largest commercial banks in the country, Citibank.  One could reason that the bank’s solvency had come under serious question at that time and it needed massive liquidity to meet depositor withdrawals from its bank as well as to fund its $2 trillion balance sheet (with another $1 trillion in off-balance-sheet vehicles).  Why Morgan Stanley and Merrill Lynch, which are large investment banks and retail brokerage firms, needed funds of this magnitude raises many questions. 

Runs on banks, which invest depositor funds in illiquid assets like real estate and corporate loans, are typically met with a government liquidity response.  Brokerage firms, on the other hand, hold stocks and bonds which can typically be sold in seconds with the proceeds “settling” (available to pay out) 3 business days later.

Liquidity problems were likely aggravated at Morgan Stanley and Merrill Lynch because they each cater to both institutional clients and retail mom and pop investors.  While the mom and pop accounts should have had little trouble cashing out of most stocks, municipal bonds and well known corporate bonds, less liquid securities in institutional accounts may have found their markets frozen for trading and needed interim financing  — this may have included problematic commercial paper positions in some money market funds used by the big brokerage firms for both retail and institutional clients.

This mystery is further intensified by one Fed spread sheet showing that the largest Wall Street firms deposited a total of $2.1 trillion in stocks as collateral in order to obtain liquid funds from the Fed. Depositing stocks as collateral began on the day Lehman died and was done in large size by Lehman Brothers, Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch, and Citigroup.  Raising additional red flags, tens of billions of dollars in stocks were posted as collateral by the London operations of Morgan, Merrill and Citi. 

Was this publicly traded stock from the firms’ proprietary trading desks, otherwise known as the in-house casino?  Was it illiquid private equity in which the firms had their money tied up?  Was it equity tranches from the dubious Collateralized Debt Obligations (CDOs)? If it was either of the latter, how could it have been properly priced as collateral?  The Fed describes the equity as follows: “Securities representing ownership interest in a private corporation….”  Without knowing the details of these securities, or the other unspecified junk bonds used as collateral, we don’t know the extent of the trash the Fed was swapping for cash with Wall Street. 

Merrill Lynch was rescued in a buyout by Bank of America on September 15, 2008, the same day that Lehman Brothers filed bankruptcy. 

The Fed risking $9 trillion of taxpayer money to bail out positions of dubious worth is highlighted further in the spread sheet for the Commercial Paper Funding Facility, which loaned $38 billion more than TARP, or a total of $738 billion to fund not just U.S. corporations but foreign banks as well, potentially because they were ensnarled in Wall Street’s off-balance-sheet funding schemes.  Most alarming, a significant portion of this went to conduits that hide liabilities of Wall Street firms off their balance sheets, leaving Wall Street short of capital for emergencies just like this one, and shareholders in the dark about the true risk of the company’s balance sheet.

The Commercial Paper Funding Facility was announced by the Fed on October 7, 2008, 3 weeks after Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy.  Its first funding day was October 27, 2008 and its last funding day was January 25, 2010.  One of the borrowers on both its first day and last day of funding and many days in between was an entity called Hudson Castle, whose cumulative borrowings were over $50 billion from the Fed for commercial paper it sponsored for three off-balance-sheet conduits: Belmont Funding LLC, Ebbets Funding LLC, and Elysian Funding LLC.

On April 12 of this year, Louise Story and Eric Dash, writing for the New York Times, reported that while Hudson Castle was set up to appear to be an independent business, its board was controlled by Lehman; Lehman owned a quarter of the firm; and it was staffed with former Lehman employees. The reporters had gotten their hands on an internal 2001 Lehman memo indicating that the arrangement would maximize Lehman’s control over Hudson Castle “without jeopardizing the off-balance-sheet accounting treatment.”  The memo noted further that Lehman would serve “as the internal and external ‘gatekeeper’ for all business activities conducted by the firm.” The internal document was authored by Kyle Miller, who worked at Lehman at the time but went over to Hudson Castle to become its president.  According to the article, until 2004, Lehman had an exclusivity agreement with Hudson Castle, but the deal ended in 2004, with Lehman reducing its board seats from five to one.

Lehman was far from alone in having employees leave to set up conduits which conveniently benefited their former Wall Street employer by moving debt off the balance sheet.  It was the norm, not the exception.  
A July 2010 staff report from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, titled “Shadow Banking,” noted the following about the shadow system in which conduits played a significant role:

“The liquidity facilities of the Federal Reserve and other government agencies’ guarantee schemes were a direct response to the liquidity and capital shortfalls of shadow banks and, effectively, provided either a backstop to credit intermediation by the shadow banking system or to traditional banks for the exposure to shadow banks….

“…this [shadow banking] system of public and private market participants has evolved and grown to a gross size of nearly $20 trillion in March 2008, which was significantly larger than the liabilities of the traditional banking system. However, market participants as well as regulators failed to synthesize the rich detail of otherwise publicly available information on either the scale of the shadow banking system or its interconnectedness with the traditional banking system…At a size of roughly $16 trillion in the first quarter of 2010, the shadow banking system remains an important, albeit shrinking source of credit for the real economy…”

In other words, the leverage in the system was not coming just from mortgage securitizations and esoteric derivatives but from off-balance-sheet debt parking schemes quite similar to that used by Enron.

On May 6 of this year, Viral Acharya, a Professor of Finance at NYU’s Stern School of Business, gave enlightening testimony on conduits to the House Committee on Financial Services’ Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations.  Professor Acharya reported as follows:

“Our analysis makes it clear that from an economic standpoint conduits are ‘unregulated’ banks that operate in the shadow banking world, but with recourse to regulated entities, mainly commercial banks, that have access to government safety net.  Our results also indicate that when these unregulated banks do not have such recourse (extendible notes and SIVs), they struggle to survive a systemic crisis…In particular, the structure of credit guarantees to asset-backed commercial paper conduits was designed by commercial banks to arbitrage regulatory capital requirements.  Such possibilities – whereby government-insured banks effectively operate at higher leverage by putting assets off-balance sheet but granting them recourse – deserve regulatory scrutiny, especially when they operate at a scale that conduits did.”

Because asset-backed commercial paper is short term in duration with typically long-term assets, commercial banks like Citigroup (which is one of the largest players in the conduit   field)  provide liquidity guarantees to make the commercial paper investor whole if the paper can’t be rolled over at maturity.  With Citigroup’s solvency in serious doubt at the peak of the financial crisis, its tentacles of backstopping conduits and issuing boatloads of commercial paper itself is likely to have played a pivotal role in seizing up this market.  This might explain why we see corporate names like McDonalds, Caterpillar and Harley-Davidson selling commercial paper directly to the Fed according to the spreadsheets released on December 1.

With Citigroup having such a large presence in the conduit market, it strains the imagination how Citigroup’s former top executives, CEO Chuck Prince and Executive Committee Chair,   Robert Rubin,  could have testified to the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission on April 8 of this year that they had no idea until months into the crisis that Structured Investment Vehicles (SIVs) created by Citigroup and roosting off its balance sheet had liquidity puts that could, and did, force billions of the toxic assets back onto the bank’s balance sheet.  SIVs are first cousins to conduits but typically have more leverage.  Citigroup’s SIVs were shielding subprime debt instruments from being reflected on its balance sheet but were forced back on when they became impaired, leading to staggering losses for the bank.

It appears that what was essentially taking place in the Commercial Paper Funding Facility at the Fed was that the taxpayer stood in for the liquidity puts the Wall Street banks had no money to backstop. 

Another well kept secret is that much of the commercial paper backed by dubious “assets” and housed in conduits regularly found its way into both retail and institutional money market funds.  Those funds are supposed to be the safest of the safe and available to redeem at any time without a loss (or never breaking a buck in Street parlance). The Fed’s buck shot approach to spewing money at banks, brokerages, corporations, across the pond, and into the hands of questionable entities, may have been as much to save money market funds from a panic run as to save the Wall Street banks.  Let us hope the GAO conducts a thorough investigation in this area.

Whether it was Credit Default Swaps or Collateralized Debt Obligations squared or conduits or SIVs, two words emerge from the hubris: leverage and greed.  By leveraging the balance sheet, upper management could lay claim to massive compensation and bonuses.

This picture is encapsulated by an introductory comment by Phil Angelides, Chair of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission, at the outset of a hearing on Citigroup on April 8, 2010:   

Chairman Angelides: Really, for the benefit of people watching today, it appears as though that there are about 51 billion dollars in write-offs related to subprime lending. The institution, as I understand it, is one that went from about 670 billion dollars in assets in about 1998 to 2.2 trillion dollars on balance sheet, another 1.2 trillion dollars off-balance sheet by 2007. By 2008, the tangible common equity-to-assets ratio we estimate at 61 to 1, with off-balance-sheet 97 to 1.

It takes only reading comprehension skills and zero Wall Street experience to read the above paragraph and know that this firm would blow up.  How did Robert Rubin, former co-chair of Goldman Sachs and former U.S. Treasury Secretary, not see this at Citigroup.  Mr. Rubin received over $125 million in compensation at Citigroup.  Sandy Weill, the man who built the behemoth and its far flung network of dysfunctional parts and served as its CEO, received over $1 billion.  The taxpayer received the tab.
____________________________________ 

Pam Martens worked on Wall Street for 21 years; she has no security position, long or short, in any company mentioned in this article.  She writes on public interest issues from New Hampshire.  She can be reached atpamk741@aol.com

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Dec 202010
 
obama-taxcuts2

In the spirit of the season, let us tell the tale of the Political Ghosts of Christmas Past, Present and Future.
David Michael Green

The Political Ghost of Christmas Present showed up in Washington this week to pass an 800 billion dollar tax cut package, a very large chunk of which goes to a very small minority of very rich Americans. That’s a real bummer, given that the distribution of wealth in this country is now so skewed that we make banana republics of the 19th century look good by comparison. I don’t know where that leaves us. Maybe a banana slug republic?

Oh well, at least that’s the total extent of the damage. I mean, it’s not like we’re in tough financial shape or anything, where such a move would represent the very height of fiscal irresponsibility. It’s not like we have to borrow the money to pay for these tax gifts to the wealthy – making them, in reality, tax burden transfers to the less wealthy, and to our children and grandchildren – or anything like that. It’s not like the histrionics of the Democrats in Congress, mounting a faux, five-minute insurrection against the deal and against their own president, don’t emphatically demonstrate once and for all that voters in America have a choice, every time they enter the ballot box, between the Party of Shameless Corporate Hack Assholes That Tries To Pretend It Isn’t, on the one hand, and the Party of Shameless Corporate Hack Assholes That Tries A Little Harder To Pretend It Isn’t, on the other.

And it’s not like there will be any real-world consequences to this latest chapter in the sordid fiscal history of the last thirty years, or anything. A month from now we’ll see the president in his State of the Union address once again linking arms with the (out) Republicans, telling us that we must cut Medicare and Social Security and infrastructure and government payrolls, so that we can afford these yet more gigantic tax cuts for the wealthy, disastrous and murderous wars across the Middle East, and a military budget the size of the rest of the planet, combined. Now we see the “starve the beast” long-haul strategy of the oligarchs about to reach its full fruition. The debt was always intentional. It was the only way to pry out of the cold, stiff fingers of Americans the programs they favor so much they are referred to as the third rail of American politics.

All of which brings us to the Political Ghost of Christmas Future, who showed up a bit early this season. Wanna know what a once proud and prosperous country is going to look like after the plutocratic marauders from both parties and both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue get done with it? The New York Times gave us a little preview this week in an article entitled “Los Angeles Schools, Facing Budget Cuts, Decide to Seek Corporate Sponsors”. Here’s the first sentence: “The football field at a public school here, in the second largest school district in the country, soon may be brought to students by Nike.”

Well, you gotta love that, doncha? And if that’s the case, you can imagine what follows. Teachers telling students, “Alright, open your Microsoft Math Text to page 47, everybody, and let’s do story problem number seven, brought to you by Home Depot”. Recess will become “McDonalds’ You Deserve A Break Time”. And those needing a bathroom break will be issued special “Charmin Courtesy Wipes”. Once everything in our alleged culture has been completely commodified, regressives will be in heaven. They almost deserve it, too, given how hard they’ve worked to wreck the country these last three decades.

Great stuff, to be sure, but I was more impressed this week with the appearance by the Political Ghost of Christmas Past. That particular nightmare came in the corporeal (not to mention corporate) form of one Henry E. Hudson, justice of the Federal District Court in Richmond, Virginia. Like any good regressive, Justice Hudson abandoned all but the pretense of judicial restraint in order to strike down Barack Obama’s centerpiece health care legislation as unconstitutional.

As a side note, this ruling by the George W. Bush appointee, along with two opposing rulings in two other courts by Democratic appointees, reaffirm the absurdity our lawmaking system has become by giving courts the power of judicial review – that is, the power to strike down legislation on the basis of its supposed constitutional infirmities. If courts did that merely to protect minorities from biased majorities, that would be one thing. Nowadays, however, they – and especially the current Supreme Court – use this power chiefly to protect hyper-minorities (that is, the ultra-rich) from any remote semblance of subjugation to the wider public interest. These courts act as mini-legislatures, and unelected and un-unelectable ones at that, making them profoundly anti-democratic institutions, and making the democracy they act within not a democracy at all to the extent this goes on. Other democracies don’t empower courts in this fashion, and we shouldn’t either.

But, like I said, that’s a side note. What I really want to say – and this may surprise you – is that I could hardly agree more with my right-wing friend, Justice Hudson.

Not on constitutional grounds, mind you. That particular document has plenty of wiggle room built into it, so that it can be read nearly any way one wants. Not for nothing do they call the operative phrase here “the elastic clause”. And, anyhow, I’m weary of the fetishism of constitutional worship we constantly indulge in around these parts. Look, if I want my life to be ruled over by the ideas and interests of sexist, elitist, slave-owning aristocrats from the eighteenth century, I’ll be sure to say so. In the meantime, is it really too much to say that we should make policy in the twenty-first century based on the needs and values of people actually living in the twentieth-first century?

But leave all that aside (which is exactly what Justice Hudson did, of course – he just won’t admit it). The reason I agree with this decision is because I agree that the Obama health care plan is fundamentally and profoundly flawed in its design, and egregiously so, to the extent that it should not be the law of the land. What I object to – and what Justice Hudson also objected to, though no doubt driven by very different motivations – is the core mechanism at the heart of Obama’s Obomination, the idea that the government can force individuals to buy a product from some private sector vendor.

For me – as opposed to the judge, I’m sure – it gets even worse, because I think this particular product is entirely worthless and unnecessary, and that the corporations selling it are therefore parasitical in the extreme. And that, of course, is on a good day. In reality, these bastards in health insurance companies are amoral sociopathic monsters who maximize their profits by minimizing the care they deliver to sick and desperate human beings, as has been fully documented now by several former executives from the industry. These are the lowest of the low, barely less disgusting (I’m pretty sure) than hit men, pedophiles, Klansmen and right-wing radio hosts (apologies for the redundancies).

As it happens, I am one of the lucky ones in this country who has a job that includes a decent health plan benefit, so this aspect of Obama’s debauchery doesn’t apply to me personally, though of course that may not always be the case. But why should I or any one else be forced to engage in this sort of commerce against our will? Why, especially in a supposed free market system, should anyone be compelled to purchase a product or service of any kind that they don’t want, and worse, to enrich a corporation they abhor?

The answer, of course, is either because Barack Obama is a corporate water-carrier who could give Dick Cheney a run for his (actually, our) money, or he is a spineless chickenshit Democrat (again, apologies for the redundancies) who makes Harry Reid look like Conan The Barbarian by comparison. Or he is both.

Either way, we got this abortion of a health care plan because it served the interests of the health insurance industry. Obama did a deal with them before he did anything else in his endlessly protracted and astonishingly embarrassing legislative process. While he was telling progressives he was seeking a public option in the bill, he had already promised the insurance predators that that would never happen. He was simply and knowingly stringing along the hapless liberals who just happen to have been responsible for getting him his presidency. This isn’t just idle speculation, or even informed conjecture, by the way. It was recently revealed to the public by former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle, one of Barack’s best pals, and a key actor in the process.

And it must be true, else the industry would have stopped at nothing to destroy the plan. But what was not for the insurance thieves to like? All serious public sector competition for their parasitical industry is wiped away, and they are guaranteed 30 or 40 million new customers, forced to buy their tainted and deficient wares. These are (alleged) people who will crush anyone or anything that gets in the way of their massive profits, just as they did in the case of the Clinton plan in 1993. It is inconceivable that they would have failed to seek the obliteration of the Obama plan unless it was a sweet deal for them, as it manifestly is. Who wouldn’t want a guaranteed monopoly against the prospect of real competition from a non-profit government plan? In fact this is better than a monopoly. This isn’t just the absence of competition, this is a Bataan Death March forced customer base, to the tune of tens of millions of people.

Barry the Play President would tell you that he had to do this deal, because there just weren’t enough votes for a public option. Of course, he told you that he was trying to get one when he wasn’t, and he told you that he would close Gitmo in a year and he didn’t, and he campaigned on change you could believe in and delivered neither. So he’s not exactly a paragon of credibility anymore. The best case scenario is that he just doesn’t get the real power of the presidency, which is to persuade, and thus to make votes appear where they didn’t previously exist. Indeed, he shows evidence of this profound political ignorance and/or timidity every day. That may be the explanation, but on the other hand there’s the worst case scenario, which is that there isn’t a dime’s worth of difference between him and the likes of Mitch McConnell, except that Obama has a D after his name and the Two-Toed Bespectacled Tree Sloth from Kentucky has an R after his. Hard to tell most days which it is with Obama, but the smart money has to be on the smart money. Chances are good that he’s just another bought off politician gone to Washington to do the bidding of the overclass. Except for the fact that some of us of Boomer vintage or older have still not fully adjusted to the new reality of both parties representing the same predatory class, this is, sadly, just another “Dog Bites Man” story. In any case, it doesn’t really matter what’s going on here. Either explanation, it’s heads they win, tails we lose.

This case is obviously now headed to the Supreme Court, and I’d be pretty surprised, really, if the Court doesn’t toss out Obama’s plan as unconstitutional. That would be bold, but not unprecedented, as regularly occurred in the early days of the New Deal. Moreover, regressives today are the very personification of boldness, and that certainly speaks for the Five Horsemen of the Apocalypse on the top bench. Look at Citizens United or Bush vs. Gore if you have any doubt of that. And look at the front-page headline of the New York Times this week: “Justices Offer Receptive Ear to Business Interests”. Now there’s a shocker, buddy, eh? That one rises fully to the “Dog Bites Man, Takes Long Nap” level of shocking, y’know?

So, the likely denouement for Stupid Barack is that his much-touted great achievement winds up in the garbage can, and we wind up with the crappy health care system we have, so bad that the richest country on the planet is ranked 37th globally by the World Health Organization. Meanwhile, the right has gone from death’s door two years ago to control of the House, effective control of the Senate, and an easy shot at the White House in 2012, in large part because of the way President Pattycake played the politics of his big reform.

These are the wages of sin.

There is, alternatively, a simple way to do health care in America. It is the same system nearly every other country in the industrialized world has been using for the better part of a century, with astonishing levels of success if you compare the public health of those years to prior centuries. It’s the same system we in this country already use for seniors, who tend to adore their Medicare, thank you very much. It’s the same system we use for national defense, that most of our communities use for fire and police, and that we employ for other forms of basic security. It’s simple: everyone pays in, everyone is covered, nobody profits off our insecurities.

The fact that we don’t do health care that way is partly a historical artifact having to do with wage and price controls during World War II, which lead to employers offering health care as a fringe benefit. But there are two other parts. One is the enormous profits made by insurance companies today, who benefit off of people’s worry about sickness, and all too often off of not providing the services subscribers paid for and desperately need. And the other is a political class whose behavior ranges from gutless to bought-off, leaning heavily toward the latter.

I certainly agree that it would have been a fairly substantial political and societal leap for Obama to have proposed a shift to a European-style government-financed health care system, albeit less so if he would have had the wisdom to market it simply as “Medicare For All”. If you want to argue that a jump of that magnitude would have been impossible to sell in 2009, the proper use of the bully pulpit notwithstanding, you might be able to convince me of that. But what he certainly could have done instead is essentially the public option. And he could have made it attractive to businesses to buy a government plan rather than what the private sector offers. And then people could see which is better, and vote with their pocketbooks. In rather a short amount of time, I would surmise, the health insurance industry would go out of business, except for offering boutique supplemental policies to the wealthy. People would follow their wallets, and they would see that big bad government health care is just as (not) evil as big bad Medicare is for seniors.

But Obama didn’t go down this path. Instead, he served the interests of the insurance industry, and now the whole thing is going to blow up in his face. And it should.

First, because it is wrong on principle. I don’t at all want the government telling me whose private sector product I have to buy. Progressives should be especially wary of this precedent. With oligarch-owned regressives making policy in every institution of American government now, think what the right could do with this concept if it is enshrined in American law. Think of the products and services you don’t want that you might be forced to buy in order to further profit the already wealthy. Think especially about the insurances you could be compelled to purchase, against concerns that don’t threaten you. Thanks very much for the government-mandated compulsory purchase concept, but definitely no thanks.

And, second, this thing should blow up in Obama’s face because he is a disastrous president whose career and reputation deserve to be wrecked.

Of course, that just leaves one small problem.

There are 300 million of us who live in the richest country on Earth but continue to have a health care system ranked just below Dominica and Costa Rica.

DAVID MICHAEL GREEN teaches pol sci at Hofstra University (NY).

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Dec 202010
 
israeliPoor-SoupKitchen

Mighty ironic for a nation founded on principles of lofty communalism

by Stephen Lendman

 

An earlier article explained neoliberalism’s impact on Israeli Jews, beginning in the 1980s. In 1985, the Knesset amended the Bank of Israel Law, prohibiting it from printing money to finance industrialization, full employment, and immigrant absorption.

It was part of a neoliberal takeover, embracing a massive power shift from various government agencies to the Finance Ministry and central bank (the Bank of Israel), similar to American financialization that empowered Wall Street, the Federal Reserve it controls, and US FIRE sector overall (finance, insurance, and real estate). 

In 1985, Israeli policy included:

– efforts to reduce budget deficits to near balance; and

– dampen inflationary pressures by cutting wages, prices, credit, the currency’s value, public benefits, pensions, and union power to establish a secondary, exploitable, temporary worker market.

BELOW: Soup kitchen in Tel-Aviv

The same year, the Arrangements Law established an emergency Economic Stabilization Plan. It sidestepped the normal legislative process, became a permanent budget adjunct, and kept Knesset members from debating its destructive effects on democratic values and social justice.

As a result, a race to the bottom followed, especially since the 1990s, as evidenced by mass privatizations, cutting welfare and social benefits, and, like in America, shifting wealth to the rich. The results were predictable. Israel not only flaunts democracy, it’s a land of extreme and growing inequality.

Taub Center Study

The Jerusalem-based Taub Center’s 2009 State of the Nation Report sees disaster ahead for Israel’s economy based on three basic measures:

– its standard of living;

– poverty rate; and

– extent of social inequality.

When “a major problem” exists in one or more of these variables, “the society is in danger of a potential crisis.” Moreover, when their root causes aren’t addressed, it’s “on an unsustainable long run trajectory.” Compared with other Western countries, Israeli income inequality and poverty “are among the highest….” A growing crisis exists from failure to deal with them.

“What are Israel’s national priorities,” Taub asks? “The answer lies in its government’s budget” compared with other developed countries. “Although Israel’s standard of living has risen in absolute terms since 1973, it has declined in relative terms, compared to that of the leading countries in the world.” Moreover, benefits  disproportionally favor the rich, a continuing trend that bodes ill ahead because of misguided priorities, producing greater inequality, unemployment, and poverty for failure to address root causes.

Study editor Professor Dan Ben-David explained, saying:

“In the last year I realized the gravity of the situation. In economics there’s the absolute level, and….the pace of change. I’ve long been aware of Israel’s bad situation regarding important parameters such as the employment rate and the quality of education. What I learned in the last year is the pace of change. I discovered that we are moving down the problematic trajectories much more quickly than I’d realized.”

On employment, for example, headline numbers are misleading. They show how many job seekers are unemployed. “The main problem is those who are neither working nor seeking work, and here the figures are frightening.” Excluding ultra-Orthodox Jews and Israeli Arabs, it’s 18.9%, about 25% higher than for developed nations on average. 

For Israeli Arab males, it’s 27%, and for ultra-Orthodox ones, it’s a staggering 65.1%. The average per capita income for working Israelis is $19,150 compared to $6,756 for Israeli Arabs. Moreover, they get less than 4% of the education budget and 8% of welfare benefits. As a result, 50% of poor children are Arabs, but Jewish poverty is serious and growing.

In addition, non-employment is compounded by the “astonishing data….about (Israel’s) education system. Here, the surprise is in the direction and intensity of the changes.”

In the last decade, the number of students in mainstream state education dropped by 3%, while enrollment in “national-religious” schools rose by 8% and 51% in ultra-Orthodox ones. Arab ones increased by one-third. “These are astounding figures – and that’s just in a single decade.”

If the trend continues, by 2040, 78% of Israeli children will be in religious, not secular, schools. Already, Israel’s education system is in decline. For Arabs, it’s “Third-World,” and for Jews “it’s among the lowest in the West.” School performance is eroding because Israel’s education system “is in a state of anarchy.”

Moreover, poverty and inequality rates are “very high.” At yearend 2008, 32.3% of families lived below the poverty line before tax and welfare adjustments.

Ben-David compared politicians to slow-boiling frogs. Clueless about a growing crisis, it’ll be too late to address it when they “realize the pot is boiling.”

Adva Center Report 

The Tel Aviv-based Adva Center released a December 26, 2009 study titled, “Israel: A Social Report – 2008/2009,” presenting disturbing findings like Taub. It showed 2008 was characterized by increasing inequality in salaries, household income, and matriculation success rates. “High levels of inequality were also found in higher education, health and retirement savings.”

Its main findings were as follows:

– gross 2008 income increased only in the top bracket; all others declined; working household wages have been falling 3 – 4% a year;

– the share of top bracket income increased from 28.3% in 2007 to 28.6%; all other brackets showed declines;

– women’s average income was 63.1% of men’s;

– the percent of middle class families decreased from 27.7% in 2007 to 27.1%; other studies show a declining 25% figure; middle class total income also decreased; Adva defined it as “all households whose income is between 75% and 125% of median household income;”

– the average compensation for senior Israeli executives employed by the “Tel Aviv 25″ listed companies (Israel’s largest) increased by 7%; their earnings were 95 times the average wage; for these companies’ top officials, it’s 500 times;

– from 2000 to 2009, Israel’s national income grew by 30%; however, it was 17% for employees compared to 59% for companies;

– only 44.4% of 17 year-olds passed their matriculation exams, the lowest rate in a decade; however, affluent locality rates increased from 63.8% in 2004 to 67.1% in 2008; “development towns” declined from 54.2% in 2004 to 46.9% in 2008, excluding East Jerusalem; 

– inequality in access to healthcare increased; and

– did as well for pension savings.

Overall, investments and economic growth benefits “a small section of the economy and only some parts of the country….The blunt of the global financial crisis of 2008-2009 hit employees, not employers” or the rich.

On April 29, 2010, Jerusalem Post writer Sharon Wrobel headlined, “Gafni attacks excessive pay,” saying:

Knesset Finance Committee Chairman Moshe Gafni said “(e)xcessive salaries paid to banking and corporate executives are widening the gaps in Israeli society.”

Hebrew University’s Momi Dahan called Israel’s experience “similar to the US (and) UK, where over the past three decades senior management (compensation) increased out of proportion to widening inequalities in the economy and society.”

On October 12, 2010, Haaretz writer Meirav Arlosoroff headlined, “The Israeli middle class is shrinking – but only slightly,” saying:

Planned tax cuts “will mostly benefit the wealthy, (since) it involves reducing the highest marginal” rates, not others or average taxes for most workers. Moreover, a Knesset Research Center study showed only 25% of Israeli households are middle class (based on the above Adva Center definition) because of high poverty, depressed wages, and unemployment.

For years, middle class wages have eroded, lower class ones even faster. Israel’s rich alone are getting richer at the expense of working households. According to Bank of Israel governor Stanley Fischer, about 20 Israeli families control banks, supermarkets, telecoms, real estate, newspapers, high tech companies, utilities, and other basic industries and services. 

The central bank’s 2009 annual report showed these families control 25% of Tel Aviv Stock Exchange-listed companies and 50% of total market share, one of the highest concentrations among developed countries.

According to the 2009 Merrill Lynch World Wealth Report, 5,900 Israelis have at least $1 million in liquid assets, and from 2005 to 2007, Israel produced more millionaires per capita than any other country. The net worth of its 500 richest, in fact, exceeds one-third of total GDP, an extraordinary concentration level, and with it a chokehold on the economy and government policy.

At the same time, falling wages and social benefit cuts in healthcare, education, and other areas have widened the gap between rich and most others. Among all developed nations, Israel, America and Britain are the most unequal, a trend getting worse, not better.

________________

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.

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Dec 202010
 
BUSH MCKINNON

Senior Editor STEVE JONAS bumped into this item. Says Jonas:

An excellent letter to NYT.  Fascinating how the GWBush acolyte McKinnon can rebrand himself as a so-called “middle-of-the-roader.” As Jim Hightower (http://www.brainyquote.com/quotes/authors/j/jim_hightower.html) has said (quoting an old political slogan), the middle of the road is for nothing except yellow stripes and dead armadillos.  He has also said that politics is not about right vs. left but top vs. bottom. —SJ

•••

From: michael carmichael

To: letters@nytimes.com 

Date:  12/19/2010 12:19 PM 

Subject: Letter to the Editor Submission 

Dear NYT,

Frank Rich is dead right to call attention to the theater of the politically absurd psychodrama of the “No Labels” launch last week.

No Labels is just one more failed invasion of the mindset of the Democratic Party by Republican hucksters brandishing Reaganite dogma.

In fact, No Labels is nothing less than another feeble attempt to rebrand the long-running campaign to Reaganize the Democratic Party by members of the Reaganite rump of ‘centrist’ Democrats also known as the Democratic Leadership Council.

For more than twenty years, Al From, Stanley Greenberg, Evan Bayh, Jeremy Rosner, James Carville, Harold Ford and Mark Penn, whose wife is now exerting herself strenuously to raise funds for No Labels, have campaigned to Reaganize the Democratic Party.  

While their campaign has ultimately proven futile, there is now a long laundry list of discarded labels in their thoroughly pathetic effort:  New Democrats; Reagan Democrats; Triangulation; the Third Way; Centrism and the Blue Dog Caucus — all thrown on the smoldering pyre of dead and defeated propaganda devices.

Mark McKinnon (left), a Republican apparatchik with gaudy campaign decorations for his service under the command of George W. Bush and John McCain has limited appeal these days to anybody anywhere near the center of the political spectrum.  [But he's still ubiquitous on television and other venues.—Eds]

The sad cast of characters McKinnon paraded before the eager press corps proves the point, including Senator GIllebrand, whose conscientious centrism is becoming as embarrassingly undistinguished as that of the sainted No Labels icon — Joe Lieberman, whose Democratic epaulets were ripped off his shoulders by the intelligent voters of Connecticut.

Like its own less than clever brand, No Labels will swiftly swirl away into the mists of history leaving its victims none the wiser at the failure of their attempt to bridge the partisan divide.

Yours Sincerely,

Michael Carmichael

Chapel Hill, NC 27514

 ______________________

BONUS FACTS

Who the hell is Mark McKinnon and why does he matter? 

Here’s Rory O’Connor’s take on the man:

But who is Mark McKinnon — and why does his unusual stance matter so much? For starters, because as the chief media adviser and strategist for the Bush-Cheney campaigns, he arguably deserves more credit (or blame, depending on your politics!) than any other individual for George Bush being in the White House. Anyone who can get George Bush elected President of the United States twice (and Governor of Texas before that) is a danger to Democrats everywhere, and the fact that McKinnon will withdraw his services from McCain in the event of an Obama nomination should be music to the ears of anyone who wants to see an end to our long national nightmare—aka the Bush Administration and its possible successors.

I first met McKinnon in 2004, while covering the presidential media campaigns for the television industry journal Broadcasting & Cable. He returned my first call immediately — unlike his inept Democratic counterparts, who failed to return fourteen calls and then hung up when I finally got through. After telling me to check in with presidential counselor Dan Bartlett (who also promptly returned the call) McKinnon then invited me to spend a day at the Bush/Cheney campaign offices in suburban Virginia.

Upon arrival, I asked McKinnon what his media plan for the campaign against John Kerry would be. To my surprise, instead of dodging, filibustering or ignoring the question, he answered in a forthright manner. “We plan to spend sixty million dollars in the next ninety days defining John Kerry before he can define himself,” McKinnon told me.

“How are you going to define him?” I shot back.

“As a flip-flopping liberal who’s wrong on defense,” McKinnon replied.

I then watched in amazement over the next three months as he proceeded to do exactly that. Within weeks of our conversation, ordinary people all over the country suddenly began saying that they had doubts about Kerry – particularly, they parroted, because he seemed like such a “flip-flopper.” The mainstream media lapdogs soon followed suit.

Kerry never recovered from the preemptive assault on his authenticity, which was later reinforced by images of windsurfing and clips of him saying, “I actually did vote for the $87 billion before I voted against it.” Game, set and match to the Republican side.

So who then is Mark McKinnon? And why is the man who first elected George W. Bush, and later rescued John McCain from the land of the politically dead and then took him to the brink of the nomination, saying he won’t help McCain in November if Obama is the Democratic candidate? The high-school dropout, onetime staff songwriter for Kris Kristofferson, formerly Democratic political operative who once denounced Karl Rove and friend of such liberal heavyweights as onetime Clinton advisers Paul Begala and James Carville seems an unlikely choice as President Bush’s or candidate McCain’s campaign media director. But politics is first and foremost about winning — and McKinnon’s candidates win.

“It all started with Hank the Hallucination,” McKinnon recalls. “Hank and Paul Begala are the reasons I got into politics.” Hank, an illustrated comic strip character in the Daily Texan, the student newspaper McKinnon edited, ran with his backing against Begala in a 1982 contest for student government president at the University of Texas in Austin — and won. “I was a bit of an anarchist in those days,” McKinnon recalls.

Hank was the first in a long series of winning candidates that McKinnon has backed. “I was a volunteer for Lloyd Doggett in my first real campaign in 1983,” he says. “Carville was the campaign manager, and Begala was in the upper echelon. He brought me out of the basement.”

McKinnon continued to work in winning Texas Democratic campaigns after that, helping to elect Ann Richards as governor in 1990 and Bob Lanier as mayor of Houston in 1991, among others. But by 1996, as he explained in a Texas Monthly essay called “The Spin Doctor is Out,” he had burned out on partisan politics and “last-minute attack and response ads.” Instead he planned to concentrate on corporate clients and public affairs, such as a successful 1997 effort to preserve affirmative action.

Then he fell in love, and everything changed. As he famously told a reporter, McKinnon saw Bush at a party and had the feeling that a man has “when he’s at a party with his wife and sees a beautiful woman across the room.”

The object of his newfound affection was George W. Bush, then governor of Texas. “It is unusual” for a conservative Republican politician and a liberal Democrat media maven to hook up, McKinnon admits. “The nexus was [Democratic] Lieutenant Governor Bob Bullock, who was my mentor.” McKinnon and Bush became jogging partners and fast friends. Soon Bush began courting McKinnon professionally as well.

“Even as Governor, President Bush was famously skeptical about political consultants,” McKinnon says. “And at the time, all the typical Republican hired guns were circling. Hiring me was certainly a counter-intuitive move. I think he liked the idea that I wasn’t looking to work in politics anymore.”

In the end, McKinnon says, he decided to work for Bush “out of respect, loyalty and friendship — which as you know are qualities that are very important to the Bush culture.” Those feelings were reciprocated by Bush, who put McKinnon in charge of two of the most well financed media operations in history.

The strategies McKinnon employed in the past decade may seem awfully negative for a man who says, “Negativity drove me out of politics in the mid-Nineties.” (After all, McKinnon was the architect of the ads that trashed John McCain in South Carolina and beyond in 2000, ensuring a Bush nomination.) But McKinnon says it isn’t so.

“It’s not negative to define John Kerry. We’re not doing attack ads, we’re doing strong contrast ads,” he told me four year ago. “That’s legitimate, not negative. We aren’t saying Kerry is ‘Weak on Defense,’ we’re saying he’s ‘Wrong on Defense.’ There’s a big difference.”

As I wrote at the time, “The war of words matters a lot, and while McKinnon concedes that the Bush campaign is busy testing them in focus groups, he offers no details. Still, it’s clear he is attempting to position the president as a ’steady’ leader and Kerry as a ‘flip-flopper’ who changes positions often for political expediency. If the words work, they will be repeated over and over as part of that ‘coordinated blitz’ aimed at defining Kerry as ‘indecisive and lacking conviction.’”

Despite the fierce hatred he has engendered in some of his former friends, McKinnon generally remains an approachable and affable figure. Even Begala – who eventually did become student body president by winning a runoff between the “two top humans” after Hank the Hallucination was gunned down — extols him. “I love him!” Begala told me. “He’s a wonderful, terrific guy.”

Even though he went over to the Dark Side?

“It’s a free country. Sure, he was way to the left of me in college, and now he’s way to the right,” Begala responded. “But hey — James Carville goes home every night and goes to bed with Mary Matalin… Mark has changed his life, but I don’t believe he had a conservative epiphany.

“I believe him when he says this is based on a deep and personal love of George Bush. But this is not a race for student government president,” Begala concluded. “Still, if Bush is ruining the country, I say let’s attack the organ grinder and not the monkey.”

“I haven’t taken as many shots as I thought I would,” McKinnon conceded at the time. “Probably because Begala blessed me.”

Would he describe himself as a Republican?

“Let’s just say I’m a man of evolution,” he responded with a grin.

His many critics now contend that, far from “evolving,” McKinnon is just an opportunistic turncoat, a lustful chameleon, a bizarre sellout… and worse. In any event, now it’s time for another hallucinatory campaign, and McKinnon is once again in the thick of it.

Just ask John McCain—or Barack Obama, for that matter!

__________

RORY O’CONNOR blogs at http://http://www.roryoconnor.org/

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Dec 202010
 
obama-lincoln

Left Margin

More evidence that Obama is as genuine as a $3 bill. 

By Carl Bloice – BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board, Black Commemtator

December 16, 2010  [print_link]

http://www.blackcommentator.com/406/406_lm_sanctimonious_left.php

Smarting from the complaints within his own party about the tax deal he and the Republican leadership had hatched, an increasingly defensive President Obama said,” this is the public option debate all over again.” Then, he claimed, that while he was able to pass a meaningful reform, progressives had instead viewed it as “weakness and compromise” that there was no public option in his healthcare plan. “Now, if that’s the standard by which we are measuring success or core principles, and then let’s face it, we will never get anything done.”

     “This is a big, diverse country,” Obama said. “Not everybody agrees with us. I know that shocks people.”

 ”This country was founded on compromise. I couldn’t go through the front door of this country’s founding,” he added. “And you know, if we were really thinking about ideal positions, we wouldn’t have a Union.”

     When I read those words my first thought was: that’s not how Abe Lincoln viewed it. On some questions, Lincoln was not what we would today consider a progressive. He was quite willing to

compromise, even on the method and timing of ending slavery. He had many critics to his left and while he dithered at times, and was criticized for doing so, he did not accuse his critics of being sanctimonious purists. He continued to confer with them, having some, including black leader Frederick Douglas, over to the White House. But once the die was cast over slavery, he resisted pressure from rightists and “moderates” of the time for a compromise with the Confederacy.

     Compromising is not an inherent virtue. It is, indeed, a necessity. We do it all the time in our personal and social lives, Society would be impossible without it. The question is: compromise over what and on what?

 ••

Of course tax policy in 2010 is not the monumental issue that slavery was in the 1800s but don’t go belittling people, calling them “sanctimonious,” just because they don’t think a particular “compromise” is justified. Talk about holding the country hostage; consider what happened a few years after Lincoln was assassinated.  Perhaps one of the nation’s most infamous political deals was the Compromise of 1877, also known as the Hayes-Tilden Compromise or the “Corrupt Bargain.” The previous year, a dispute erupted over who had won the Presidential election, Republican Rutherford B. Hayes or Democrat Samuel J. Tilden. After negotiations, it was agreed that Hayes could go to the White House if the Republicans agreed to certain demands, chief among them, the ending of Reconstruction in the Post Civil War South. The understanding was that Hayes would remove the federal troops that, among other things, guaranteed African Americans the right to vote. The bargain set the stage for nearly a century of lynchings and Jim Crow segregation that followed.

     A few days ago I discovered I wasn’t the only one wondering: what would Lincoln do? “President Obama’s tax deal with congressional Republicans may well turn out to be a defining moment in his presidency,” wrote historian Eric Foner. “This is less because of its content than what it tells us about Obama himself and his politics.”

  

••

“During the 2008 campaign, many observers compared Obama with Abraham Lincoln,” Foner wrote in the

Guardian (UK) December 9. “Obama encouraged this, announcing his candidacy in Springfield, Lincoln’s

home, and taking the oath of office on the bible Lincoln used in 1861.”

     Many comparisons between Lincoln and Obama have no historical merit. One that has validity is that both

made their national reputations through oratory rather than long careers of public service. Lincoln held no

public office between 1849 and his election. Obama served briefly in the Illinois legislature and US Senate, but had no significant legislative accomplishment. It was speeches – of considerable eloquence and moral power – that propelled both into the national spotlight.”

     “Obama’s rather petulant response to liberal critics of his tax deal, however, reveals a fundamental difference between the two men,” wrote Foner. “Obama accuses liberals of being sanctimonious purists, more

interested in staking out a principled position than getting things accomplished. Lincoln, too, faced critics on the left of his own party. Abolitionists, who agitated outside the political system, and Radical Republicans, who represented the abolitionist sensibility in politics, frequently criticized Lincoln for what they saw as his slowness in attacking slavery during the civil war. In 1864, one group of Radicals even sought to replace Lincoln with their own candidate, John C Fremont.

     “Lincoln, however, was open-minded, intellectually curious and willing to listen to critics in his own party – qualities Obama appears to lack. Lincoln met frequently in the White House with abolitionists and Radicals, and befriended Radicals like Charles Sumner and Owen Lovejoy. Obama has surrounded himself with ”yes men”. Alternative views – on the economy, the nation’s wars, etc – fail to penetrate his inner sanctum. Lincoln saw himself as part of a broad antislavery movement of which the Radicals were also a part. Obama has no personal or political connection to the labor movement, or even, although it seems counterintuitive, the civil rights movement – the seedbeds of modern Democratic Party liberalism.

     “Lincoln was not a Radical and never claimed to be one.  But he recognized that on core moral issues,  particularly the need to place slavery on the road to extinction, he and they shared common ground. Obama appears to view liberal critics as little more than an annoyance. He has never made clear what moral principles he is willing to fight for.

     “Every major policy of Lincoln’s regarding slavery during the civil war – military emancipation, enrolling

black soldiers in the Union army, amending the constitution to abolish slavery, allowing some African-American men to vote – had first been staked out by abolitionists and Radicals. This is not why Lincoln  adopted them, but it does reveal a capacity for growth that Obama has thus far failed to demonstrate. In the end, this may turn out to be the greatest disappointment of Obama’s presidency.”

•••

Washington Post columnist Eugene Robinson suggested last week that liberals and progressive had little

choice but to go along with the Obama-GOP compromise but added, “this is painful. Democrats in Congress are understandably irate at being lectured so sternly by a president for whom ending the tax cuts for the wealthy

was so important that it was non-negotiable – until he negotiated it away.”

     “It’s a sad story, for the country and especially for the Democratic Party,” wrote Robinson. “I believe the

White House continues to underestimate the anger and disillusionment among the party’s loyal base – and the

need for some victories, or at least some heroic battles, to lift the spirits of the faithful. Obama needs to train his newfound passion and outrage on his foes in the GOP, not on the friends and supporters that his press secretary once derisively called the `professional left’.”

     The big problem now is trying to figure out what other ”compromises” may be in the legislative pipeline.

Surely, getting anything reasonable done is going to be doubly difficult next year when the new Congress

convenes with the Republicans in control of the House of Representatives. Enter the National Commission on

Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, otherwise known of as the Cat Food Commission. Created by the President last spring, under the chairpersonship of former Republican Senator Alan Simpson and former Clinton Administration Chief of Staff Erskine Bowles, it lurks in the corridors of power like the living dead, determined to have its way.

     The Simpson Bowles proposals, which among other things targets Social Security and Medicare for sharp

cutbacks, failed to get the support of 14 of the 18 commissions that were required to guarantee a vote by  Congress. But never mind that, they and their powerful backers are engaged in a full-court press to convince the White House to embrace their program for nearly $4 billion in budget cuts in the next federal budget.  Simpson and Bowles met with senior White House aides last week and, according to the Financial Times, urged them “to incorporate a sweeping debt reduction proposal in the `State of Union’ address and the White House budget proposal early next year, and begin negotiations with lawmakers on the package.”

     The President has previously said the commission’s co-chair’s views would be taken into consideration when preparing the budget.

     Talk about holding the country hostage, Simpson and Bowles are clearly playing hardball. They are said to

have proposed a deal with the President whereby he would agree quickly to their proposals in order to avoid a major showdown in Congress next year. They are operating against the backdrop of a Republican threat to bring the government to a halt when the routine question of raising the Federal debt limit comes before Congress if they don’t get their way on drastic spending cuts. “We believe a bipartisan agreement should be reached before any long-term increase in the debt limit is approved,” Bowles and Simpson said.

     “I can’t wait for the blood bath in April,” Simpson said November 19. “It won’t matter whether two of us

have signed this or 14 or 18. When debt limit time comes, they’re going to look around and say, `What in

the hell do we do now? We’ve got guys who will not approve the debt limit extension unless we give `em a

piece of meat, real meat, off of this package.’ And boy the bloodbath will be extraordinary.”

     That statement prompted economist Paul Krugman to remark, “Think of Mr. Simpson’s blood lust as one more piece of evidence that our nation is in much worse shape, much closer to a political breakdown, than most people realize.”

     Of course, none of this maneuvering has anything to do with democratic decision making. It is all designed to get around public opinion and the Constitutional process of legislative deliberation.

     On November 30, the Associated Press reported, “We keep seeing this same result. A recent CBS News poll asked Americans what they’d like to see Congress focus on next year. The results weren’t close – a 56 percent

majority cited `economy/jobs’ as the top issue. Health care was a distant second at 14 percent, while tackling

the deficit/debt was a very distant third at 4 percent. A week later, Gallup found a combined 64 percent of the

country cited “economy/jobs’ as the top issue in the country, while the deficit was a distant fifth at 9 percent. The AP’s poll is in line with the others.”

     “The actual consequences of this deal, of course, will be more severe than the political fallout in 2012,” wrote Zach Carter on the Campaign for America’s Future website. “We’ll soon hear about `tough choices’ facing

the country as a result of our allegedly out-of-control budget deficit (bond interest rates, shmond interest

rates!). Now that raising taxes on the rich has been taken off the table, those `choices’ will translate to  devastating cuts in Social Security. After agreeing to useless tax cuts for the rich in the name of economic

`stimulus,’ Wall Street executives and Congressional Republicans will demand Social Security be slashed,

further sabotaging our demand-starved economy, and actually starving our senior citizens.”

     At his recent press conference, Obama asserted that the positions of such people on the left would result in

nothing being accomplished, except having “a `sanctimonious’ pride in the purity of their own positions.” Tell that to Abe, Barack.

________________


Black Commentator.com Editorial Board member Carl Bloice is a writer in San Francisco, a member of the National Coordinating Committee of the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism and formerly worked for a healthcare union.

___________________________________________

 

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