Feb 162011
 

By Patrick Martin 

16 February 2011  [print_link]

At a press conference the day after releasing his budget for the 2012 fiscal year, President Obama declared his intention to carry out major cuts in entitlement programs as part of a deficit reduction program to be negotiated with congressional Republicans.

The press conference was dominated by critical questions that reflected the right-wing consensus of the corporate-controlled media. Reporter after reporter suggested that the budget contained too little in the way of spending cuts and failed even to mention “entitlement reform”—the official Washington code words for cutting pensions and health care for the elderly and the poor.

Not a single question was asked about military spending, the largest single item in the budget—at least until 2016, when interest payments on the federal deficit are projected to exceed the Pentagon’s share of total spending. There was no suggestion that the gargantuan military budget, larger than the combined military spending of all other nations on earth, was unaffordable or “one of the real drivers of long-term debt,” as one reporter described Social Security and Medicare.

Obama was in his preferred political environment—defending right-wing policies against criticism from even more right-wing critics. He emphasized that his budget provided “tough choices” and inflicted “real pain” on working people who deserved better, as though these were positive features.

Obama singled out federal health care costs as a target for budget-cutting, declaring, “Medicare and Medicaid are huge problems because health care costs are rising even as the population is getting older. And so what I’ve said is that I’m prepared to work with Democrats and Republicans to start dealing with that in a serious way. We made a down payment on that with health care reform last year.”

In one exchange, Obama was asked by Chuck Todd of NBC News why he had “shelved” the report of his own bipartisan commission on deficit reduction, which called last December for major cuts in Social Security and Medicare, as well as a significant reduction in the corporate tax rate.

Obama responded, “The notion that it has been shelved I think is incorrect. It still provides a framework for a conversation.” He explained that there had to be discussions with congressional Republicans and Democrats who opposed various aspects of the commission’s recommendations, “to whittle their differences down until we arrive at something that has an actual chance of passage.”

He chided his critics for demanding action on cutting entitlement programs overnight, outlining a two-step process, beginning with the five-year spending freeze on discretionary domestic programs, proposed in his own budget, along with major cuts in Pell Grants for college students, home heating assistance for the elderly, environmental protection and other vital programs.

“Step number two is … how do we make sure that we’re taking on these long-term drivers and how do we start whittling down the debt,” he said. “And that’s going to require entitlement reform and it’s going to require tax reform. And in order to

accomplish those two things, we’re going to have to have a spirit of cooperation between Democrats and Republicans.”

Obama held up as a model the bipartisan negotiations in December in which his administration capitulated to Republican demands for a two-year extension of the Bush tax cuts for the wealthy. “Both sides had to give,” he claimed. “And there were folks in my party who were not happy, and there were folks in the Republican Party who were not happy. And my suspicion is, is that we’re going to be able to do the same thing if we have that same attitude with respect to entitlements.”

As in his State of the Union speech, Obama presented the US economy as rapidly recovering from the slump triggered by the 2008 Wall Street crash. “The economy is now growing again,” he claimed. “People are more hopeful. And we’ve created more than a million jobs over the last year. Employers are starting to hire again, and businesses are starting to invest again … we’re out of the depths of the crisis.”

This picture bears no resemblance to the social reality confronted by tens of millions of working people, facing long-term double-digit unemployment rates, rampant wage-cutting, deteriorating social conditions and financial crises in the cities and states that have produced mass layoffs and threaten a wave of bankruptcies.

Only for Wall Street and the political representatives of the financial aristocracy in Washington—and their well-paid media apologists—has there been a genuine economic recovery. This restoration of corporate profitability and CEO bonanzas has come directly at the expense of the working class.

The details of the administration’s budget plan began to be disseminated through the media on Tuesday, as major newspapers published summaries of the 2,000-page budget document released the day before.

The broad outlines of the budget had already been anticipated, particularly the devastating impact of the freeze in discretionary spending and specific major cuts like Pell Grants and home heating assistance. (See “Obama to propose more than $1 trillion in deficit reduction”)

Washington Post analyst Ezra Klein noted the highly favorable treatment of the Pentagon budget, in contrast with the spending freeze imposed on domestic social programs. Pentagon spending will be trimmed by $78 billion over the next ten years, compared to $400 billion cut from domestic discretionary spending. He wrote: “And keep in mind that the domestic discretionary budget is only half as large as the military’s budget. So if there were equal cuts, the military would be losing $800 billion.”

While spending on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq is projected to decline because of the drawdown in US military forces in Iraq, the baseline budget for the Pentagon will rise significantly, up $22 billion in 2012 to $553 billion.

State Department operations receive an increase of 1 percent, but there is an 8 percent jump in “overseas contingency operations,” which reflects the transfer of many US occupation activities in Iraq from Pentagon to State Department jurisdiction.

Other departments engaged in the “war on terror,” including the CIA and other intelligence agencies, the Department of Homeland Security and the FBI all receive substantial increases. The intelligence budget is to rise by 4 percent, the FBI by 4 percent, other Justice Department operations by 2 percent, and the DHS by 1 percent, in a budget that reduces the overall level of spending across the board. Federal prison operations receive a whopping 10 percent boost, and the nuclear weapons facilities operated by Department of Energy get an even larger percentage increase.

The departments engaged in operating domestic social programs receive the bulk of cuts, including a 5 percent slash to Labor Department spending, the elimination of operating subsidies for Amtrak passenger rail services, a $1 billion cut in conservation programs for wetlands, and a cut in overall spending by the Department of Health and Human Services for the first time in the 30-year history of that department, even though spending on Medicare and Medicaid are projected to grow by 8 percent a year.

One new feature of the 2012 budget is the proliferation of “Race to the Top” campaigns, modeled on the reactionary program in the Department of Education that offers incentives to states that carry out the most draconian attacks on public school teachers.

There will be a “Race to the Top” program in the Department of Transportation, to “create incentives for States and localities to adopt critical reforms in a variety of areas, including safety, livability, and demand management.” There will be a similar program in the Department of Energy “for communities to invest in electric vehicle infrastructure and remove regulatory barriers.” Another such grant from the Justice Department will reward states “for tangible improvements in juvenile justice systems,” and similar measures in education and job training.

Patrick Martin  is a senior political analyst with the World Socialist Web Site. 
Did you like this? Share it:
Feb 162011
 

Hardly a surprise, considering who he is and his disgraceful record.

By Stephen Lendman
February 15, 2011 [print_link] 

Despite its flaws and failures during America’s Great Depression, FDR’s New Deal was remarkable for what it accomplished. It helped people, put millions back to work, reinvigorated the national spirit, built or renovated 700,000 miles of roads, 7,800 bridges, 45,000 schools, 2,500 hospitals, 13,000 parks and playgrounds, 1,000 airfields, and various other infrastructure, including much of Chicago’s lakefront where this writer lives. It cut unemployment from 25% in May 1933 to 11% in 1937, before declaring victory too early and letting it spike before early war production revived economic growth and headed it lower.

Moreover, his key legislation included:

• the landmark 1935 Social Security Act – to this day, the single most important federal program keeping millions of seniors from poverty or easing it for those already poor;

• unemployment insurance in partnership with states;

• two “Soak the Rich” revenue acts to make high earners pay more, another targeting tax cheats, and one taxing undistributed corporate profits;

• the landmark Wagner Act, letting labor, for the first time, bargain collectively with management;

• Glass-Steagall, separating commercial from investment banks and insurance companies, among other provisions to curb speculation;

• public housing and low financing measures; 

• other initiatives to reform and revive the economy; and

• had he lived in good health, perhaps a second bill of rights, an economic one he proposed, but died before able to fulfill it.

Saying the first one fell short, he wanted guarantees for:

• full employment with a living wage;

• freedom from unfair competition and monopolies;

• housing;

• medical care;

• education; and

• greater social security, providing more than his landmark act.

Obama’s No FDR

His agenda lets Wall Street loot the treasury, rewards other corporate favorites generously, ignores vital people needs, does little to create jobs or help homeowners facing foreclosure, and spends over $1 trillion annually on unbridled militarism and imperial wars at a time America has no enemies. 

Now the latest – his proposed anti-populist FY 2012 budget, Republicans and right wing pundits say doesn’t go far enough.

On February 14, New York Times writer Jackie Calmes headlined, “Obama’s Budget Focuses on Path to Rein in Deficit,” saying:

It “address(es) the deficit and the best path to long-term economic success….(H)e laid out a path for bringing down annual deficits to more sustainable levels over the rest of the decade,” saying he’ll reduce it “over the next decade by $1.1 trillion, or about 10%,” and it’s only for starters. 

Much more is planned, targeting entitlements once thought untouchable, including Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. They’re heading for the chopping block toward elimination along with public pensions, robbing millions of vital protections and futures to do more for America’s super-rich and facilitate imperial global rampaging.

That’s Obama’s real agenda – soaking working households and the poor, transferring greater wealth to America’s super-rich already with too much, and continuing lawless imperial rampaging for unchallengeable global dominance.

Nonetheless, House Budget Committee chairman Paul Ryan accused Obama of “an abdication of leadership” for not doing more, on the backs of working and poor households the way he and other Republicans propose, letting America’s aristocracy get richer.

A same day Times editorial headlined, “The Obama Budget,” saying:

“On paper, President Obama’s new $3.7 trillion budget is encouraging. It makes a number of tough choices to cut the deficit….which is enough to prevent an uncontrolled explosion of debt in the next decade and, as a result, reduce the risk of a fiscal crisis. (It’s) balanced enough to start the process of deficit reduction, but not so draconian that it would derail the recovery. (It’s) a good starting point for discussion….”

Wall Street Journal writers want more, featured in a lead February 15 editorial headlined, “The Cee Lo Green Budget,” calling it “cynical and unrealistic,” saying:

“….what landed on Congress’s doorstep on Monday was a White House budget that increases deficits above the spending baseline for the next two years. Hosni Mubarak was more in touch with reality last Thursday night,” mindless, in fact, that he didn’t fall. He was pushed, Washington and Egypt’s military doing the shoving. “How unserious is this budget,” asked Journal writers? Targeting most cuts after 2016, he proposed “Budget Flimfam 101.”

Obama, Corporate/Imperial Tool

Whether now, later or in between, Obama’s budget hammers working Americans, especially those poor, forgotten, vulnerable, and ignored since Reagan succeeded Carter. Democrats have been as cruel as Republicans, serving wealth and power interests alone while pretending to care.

Weeks after capitulating to Republicans on tax cuts for America’s super-rich and corporations, adding hundreds of billions to the deficit, he now wants funding reductions for:

• the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP); it provides billions to states to help families heat or cool homes; in FY 2010, 8.3 million households needed it, especially to avoid freezing in winter;

• Pell Grants, providing millions of dollars for higher education, what Kris Wright, University of Minnesota director of student finance, calls the “granddaddy of all (student) financial aid programs,” crucial to help low-income students attend school;

• WIC (Women, Infants, and Children) grants to states for supplemental foods, healthcare, and nutrition education for low-income families;

• Head Start, providing comprehensive education, health, nutrition, and parent involvement services to low-income families with children;

• the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (targeted earlier with more coming), providing food stamps for poor households;

• community development block grants for housing, overall reducing HUD’s budget by $1.1 billion; and

• other non-defense discretionary spending, cutting vital programs to sustain militarism, favoritism, waste, fraud, and other rewards for Washington’s usual special interests, benefitting greatly at the public trough. 

Social spending cuts now and ahead will facilitate them. On February 5, Obama’s budget director, Jacob Lew, signaled what’s planned in his New York Times op-ed headlined, “The Easy Cuts Are Behind Us,” saying:

“….to make room for the investments we need to foster growth, we have to cut what we cannot afford,” meaning longstanding social services millions rely on, need, and if lose will face grave hardships. They’re coming to “prepare the United States to win in the world economy” at the expense of most of its citizens, sacrificed for elitist interests, the usual ones lined up for more.

A Final Comment

A previous article discussed equitable alternatives far different than Obama proposed. They include:

• waging war on concentrated wealth and power;

• an across-the-board populist agenda, making social justice issue one;

• slashing the defense budget, minimally in half, ideally much more, including closing overseas bases, reducing force levels, ending foreign occupations, and renouncing imperial wars;

• a progressive income tax replacing today’s dysfunctional one;

• removing the payroll tax ceiling, taxing all earned income at the same rate;

• empowering workers to bargain collectively with management on equal terms;

• a guaranteed living wage, adjusted by urban, rural, state and local considerations;

• a guaranteed income for the indigent;

• real regulatory reform, reinstituting vital ones eroded or lost;

• abolishing monopoly and oligopoly power;

• strengthening public education;

• enacting universal, single-payer healthcare, excluding predatory insurers, except as a voluntary option;

• returning money creation power to Congress as the Constitution mandates, and making banking a public utility away from Wall Street predators and its Federal Reserve handmaiden;  

• a Tobin Tax to make Wall Street and rich investors pay their fair share; and

• establishing government of, by, and for the people for real, what America never had and doesn’t under Democrat or Republican led governments.

The alternative includes imperial lawlessness, endemic corruption, high unemployment, growing impoverishment, social inequality and decay, unmet human needs, and eroding freedoms, heading America toward tyranny and ruin the way all past empires declined and fell. Republican or Democrat proposals will hasten it unless challenged and stopped.
______________________________ 

Contributing Editor STEPHEN LENDMAN lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.

Did you like this? Share it:
Feb 162011
 

The Eagle: a Roman centurion travels beyond “the end of the world”

By David Walsh
16 February 2011  [print_link]

Directed by Kevin Macdonald, screenplay by Jeremy Brock, based on the novel by Rosemary Sutcliff

HUMAN BEINGS are insatiably curious. All things being equal, they’re eager to know about other places, times and people—and not simply the official version either. Who wouldn’t like to know what people were like a thousand or two thousand years ago, how they acted and thought, what they felt deeply about, how they both resembled and differed from us?

With its visual and dramatic capabilities, film offers the possibility of bringing the dead back to life, or at least some semblance of them. Spectators tend to be willing to suspend disbelief if a movie is engaging and intriguing (and, somewhere behind that, truthful) enough.

Some historical moments are more appealing than others, one of them being the Roman occupation of Britain (which lasted, more or less, from 40 to 400 AD). Ancient Rome retains its fascination, and the notion of this seemingly sober, stoical, well-disciplined society attempting to subdue the primitive Britons (who much later turned into a seemingly sober, stoical, well-disciplined people themselves) holds a special interest.

We know or we think we know something about the modern Italians and British, and, in terms of “national characteristics,” for whatever that classification is worth, they seem very unlike one another as peoples. So the notion of the Romans having conquered and inhabited Britain for hundreds of years seems odd and improbable, and that is a good starting point for attracting an audience.

Kevin Macdonald (State of Play, The Last King of Scotland) has directed The Eagle, from Jeremy Brock’s screenplay based on the 1954 novel by Rosemary Sutcliff. The story is this: in 140 AD or so, a young Roman centurion, Marcus Aquila (Channing Tatum), newly arrived in Britain, sets about solving the mystery of what happened to the Roman legion commanded by his father two decades earlier. This Ninth Legion (composed of 5,000 soldiers) was supposedly slaughtered by tribes in Caledonia (modern-day Scotland), north of Hadrian’s Wall, and the unit’s eagle standard seized.

After an engagement with bloodthirsty local Britons in which Marcus proves his valor as a commander and receives serious injuries, he is rewarded by Rome with medals and, much to his dismay, given an honorable discharge. When Marcus helps save the life of a slave, Esca (Jamie Bell), he takes advantage of having a companion who knows the language and territory and, once the Roman has healed somewhat, the two set off north of the Wall alone to recover the eagle (and restore his father’s reputation).

Having undergone various hardships, including an attack by “rogue warriors,” the pair are directed toward a deserter from the Ninth who tells them part of the story. Soon afterward, they are captured by the savage “seal people,” to whom Esca presents himself as the master and Marcus the slave. The seal tribe, who live by the sea in northern Scotland, turn out to possess the eagle, which they now venerate as a religious icon.

The Eagle is not a disaster, but it’s not especially successful either. It is worth noting, first of all, that Sutcliff’s original novel was intended for children, for better or worse, and the characterizations are not terribly complex.

Marcus acts bull-headedly and exclusively out of a sense of personal, family and civic pride from beginning to end. “Can you imagine anything more magnificent than to be a soldier of Rome,” he asks his uncle (Donald Sutherland), “to serve with courage and honor?” This is never seriously challenged. The American-born Channing is effective within the narrow limits set him.

Esca, the slave and companion, is also lacking in dimension. He swears an oath of allegiance to Marcus and never deviates, although he appears to at one point. Jamie Bell strains in the role.

The reconstructed “seal people” tribe veers close to stereotype on more than one occasion. The treatment here of the indigenous population is not as complex as in many of the better American Westerns of the 1950s.

Is the film intended as something of a warning about the pitfalls of empire and imperialism, meant perhaps to shed light on current events? We think so at one point, when one of the warrior-Britons presides over the beheading of a Roman soldier, and screams in the direction of the occupiers’ encampment, “You have stolen our land and killed our sons!”

Various parallels between the past and the present continue to be drawn, including descriptions of the atrocities carried out by the foreign army. When Marcus asserts to Esca that “The eagle [standard] is Rome,” the latter recounts how his family died at the hands of the Romans and declares, “Rome also did that.”

The slave suggests that the Romans who lost their lives in Caledonia 20 years before essentially died for nothing, exclaiming at one point: “Why did they [the lost legion] have to come north?… There’s nothing here worth taking. Why couldn’t they be satisfied with what they had?” Furthermore, the Roman politicians at home are portrayed as wealthy and arrogant.

However, these hints and suggestions of contemporary relevance are largely forgotten in the heat of the adventure, and we seem meant to conclude, in the end, that the pursuit of the eagle has been worthwhile after all, from a number of points of view. The film ends with a ceremony dedicated to honoring the martial dead, in which Marcus’s viewpoint, that there is nothing more “sweet and fitting” than dying for one’s country, seems restored to its place of pride.

As a right-wing website correctly points out, “If there’s a cautionary subtext here about the vulnerability of a modern superpower, however, it’s not something Macdonald seems determined to beat audiences over the head with. Instead, I suspect what people will remember most about The Eagle is the film’s unapologetic commitment to honor and integrity.”

Marcus has more of a “multi-cultural” perspective by the end of the film; he has come to see that bravery and honor are not exclusively Roman property. He also recognizes that the local population is at least as convinced of the rightness of its cause as the Romans.

All right, but aside from that?

There are interesting aspects to the film. It is coherently done. It is not gratuitously bloody and sadistic in the manner of Braveheart and Gladiator, although it leans in their direction from time to time. The Scottish landscape is often breathtaking; the reconstruction of Roman military tactics is apparently accurate, at least in places. We learn a few things, we think about a different world and time.

Even if the legend of the annihilated Roman legion is not true (as modern scholarship apparently has concluded), the idea of a quest north of Hadrian’s Wall (built 122-128 AD), beyond “the end of the world,” from the Roman point of view, is a fascinating one.

Still, the results are weak.…

Macdonald asserts that the filmmakers attempted to take “a very naturalistic, realistic approach in the film, in the way we shot it.… I come from documentaries and come from more realist tradition, I wanted to take that approach.”

It may very well be that The Eagle is shot in a more naturalistic way, but that is no guarantee of truthfulness or depth. As is often the case today, the capturing of detail comes at the expense of a broader grasp of things.

No one need pine for the Hollywood epics of the past (much less the Italian “sword and sandal” quasi-industry). The epic genre (set in ancient Rome and Egypt, biblical times, etc.) flourished in the 1950s. One thinks of Samson and Delilah, Quo Vadis, Salome, Barabbas, The Robe, Demetrius and the Gladiators, Sign of the Pagan, The Silver Chalice, The Egyptian, Land of the Pharaohs, The Ten Commandments, Ben-Hur, Spartacus, Esther and the King, King of Kings, Sodom and Gomorrah, Cleopatra, The Fall of the Roman Empire, The Greatest Story Ever Told…and more.

One historian of the film industry comments bluntly: “By the mid-1950s, the blacklist and new technologies led Hollywood to concentrate on apolitical, spectacular films such as biblical epics, westerns, and musicals.” A considerable flight from examining contemporary American reality in the wake of the purges of left-wing artists no doubt occurred, and an officially conformist and stagnant culture could have done no better than search for subjects consecrated by church and state. (Westerns and low-budget science fiction films perhaps lent themselves more easily to social criticism and self-criticism.)

Nonetheless, those epics, foolish and turgid as they often were, managed to convey more of a sense of the sweep of history than a film such as The Eagle. They dwelt, perhaps excessively and bloatedly, on “titanic,” collective issues in a panoramic fashion: the collapse of empires, wars and uprisings, the emergence of Christianity as a mass, oppositional movement to the Roman Empire and so forth. In that sense, they were far more “historically conscious” than present-day films.

And no wonder. The anti-communist purges did enormous damage, but it could not erase memory and consciousness as a whole. The writers and directors had been alive during great, traumatic events in the middle of the twentieth century. Many of the European filmmakers had experienced first-hand the end of dynasties, revolutionary crises, the rise of dictators. In that sense, their vision was more “realistic.”

On the other hand, what have Macdonald and his generation—born in the late 1960s and early 1970s—of younger British writers, directors (Tom Hooper, Christopher Nolan, Sam Mendes, Shane Meadows, Guy Ritchie, Joe Wright, etc.) and performers experienced? They grew up under Margaret Thatcher and John Major, then a decade of Tony Blair. A right-wing consensus prevailed. The working class was largely suppressed, its socialist heritage under relentless attack. History and the study of history were devalued by various ideological trends.

A good deal of money was to be made in film and television, often in Hollywood directly. In place of a fierceness about life and reality, which had characterized a previous generation of British writers and directors, concerns about image and career prevailed.

One had to be sensible. Making big waves never did anyone any good. Of course, one was still opposed to the ugliest side of capitalism; one was tolerant…and in favor of tolerance; one was opposed in principle to war; one was still vaguely concerned about social questions, but the personal was the political now, anyway, wasn’t it?

The amorphous liberalism, the weakened awareness of and orientation to the class struggle, the imprecision about historical matters—the overall vagueness—all this inevitably helps produce weak artistic results.

DAVID WALSH, the resident cinema and arts critic of the World Socialist Web Site, is legendary for his insightful and always didactic reviews.

Did you like this? Share it:
Feb 162011
 

By Rob Johnson, NewDeal 2.0

Posted on February 15, 2011, Printed on February 16, 2011
Simulpost with http://www.alternet.org/story/149938/

President Obama is a smart man. When Gallup surveys suggest that unemployment is around 10 percent — and that unemployment plus underemployment is 19 percent of the workforce — then it’s clear that the best way to raise revenues and close the deficit is to put people back to work. President Obama surely knows this. But his actions don’t seem to follow this obvious logic. Why is that?

Part of the reason lies in a group of people who pour money into our political system but don’t necessarily want the same things that ordinary Americans want. In fact, some of these people benefit from municipal crises, breaking teachers unions, and increasing the fear of the workforce. They fall disproportionately into the group that Harvard professor Lawrence Lessig identified as “the funders” in his recent TedX Talk in San Antonio, Texas. The increasing power of this group produces political contortions by buying results in Congress that do nothing for regular folks. Their influence also steers President Obama to focus on his reelection rather than trying to change the climate of opinion and become America’s Great Persuader.  The public has now heard the conservative mantra that government is the problem and not the solution for 40 years. Couple that with the experience of valid rage following the bank bailouts, and it’s not surprising that the public overwhelmingly feels that the government has become an instrument of the wealthy and powerful. Strong leadership is needed to challenge this narrative. But the President seems content to conform to the prevailing suspicion of government. He fails to convince the public that the government can have an active response to the jobs crisis — a response that benefits them, not monied interests.

And that suits many funders in the top 3 percent of the wealth distribution just fine.

With profits so high and so many slack resources, it is sad that President Obama continues on the path of “triangulation” and chooses to “pre-concede” so much to the Republicans. In electoral terms, the breaking of all of the unions at the state and local level will serve to benefit the Republican party in many regions and exacerbate inequality. It is surprising the the President does not resist this for the benefit of his own party’s future. But Presidents often fly solo rather than represent their party when reelection looms — especially in a post-Citizens United world that will be influenced by unprecedented rivers of money.

Looking forward, we can see that our infrastructure is worn out in many, many places. We can also see that a dearth of public goods, education, basic science and infrastructure portend a weakening of the living standard of our nation. President Obama seemed to acknowledge this in his State of the Union address vision. But his budget strategy does not. The current budgets, both Democrat and Republican, appear to be imposing cuts on the lower middle class and poor. We are, as Paul Krugman said in the New York Times on Monday, eating our future.

Unfortunately, the proposed budget appears more likely to contribute to the ongoing widening of wealth and income inequality. And it seems more likely to increase, rather than reduce, the idle resources in our society. This budget logic makes little sense, and the human costs are dreadful. Only the logic of power sheds light on our path of dysfunction in the USA. Andrew Mellon must be smiling.

Rob Johnson is a Senior Fellow and the Director of the Project on Global Finance at the Roosevelt Institute.

© 2011 NewDeal 2.0 All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/149938/

[w1]

Did you like this? Share it: