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		<title>Colonized by Corporations</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/17/colonized-by-corporations/</link>
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		<pubDate>Thu, 17 May 2012 19:43:31 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[ACTIVISTS & HEROES]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.greanvillepost.com/?p=34559</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[By Chris Hedges, TruthDig In Robert E. Gamer’s book “The Developing Nations” is a chapter called “Why Men Do Not Revolt.” In it Gamer notes that although the oppressed often do revolt, the object of their hostility is misplaced. They vent their fury on a political puppet, someone who masks colonial power, a despised racial [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span style="font-family: trebuchet ms,geneva; color: #ff0000;"><strong>By Chris Hedges, <a href="http://www.truthdig.com/report/item/colonized_by_corporations_20120514/"><span style="color: #ff0000;">TruthDig</span></a></strong></span></p>
<p><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/hedgesLeaderOfRevolutionfull-320.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignnone  wp-image-34560" style="border: 2px solid black;" title="hedgesLeaderOfRevolution(full)-320" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/hedgesLeaderOfRevolutionfull-320.jpg" alt="" width="273" height="312" /></a></p>
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<p>In Robert E. Gamer’s book <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Developing-Nations-A-Comparative-Perspective/dp/0697067971/ref=sr_1_6?s=books&amp;ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1336881002&amp;sr=1-6">“The Developing Nations”</a> is a chapter called “Why Men Do Not Revolt.” In it Gamer notes that although the oppressed often do revolt, the object of their hostility is misplaced. They vent their fury on a political puppet, someone who masks colonial power, a despised racial or ethnic group or an apostate within their own political class. The useless battles serve as an effective mask for what Gamer calls the “patron-client” networks that are responsible for the continuity of colonial oppression. The squabbles among the oppressed, the political campaigns between candidates who each are servants of colonial power, Gamer writes, absolve the actual centers of power from addressing the conditions that cause the frustrations of the people. Inequities, political disenfranchisement and injustices are never seriously addressed. “The government merely does the minimum necessary to prevent those few who are prone toward political action from organizing into politically effective groups,” he writes.<span id="more-34559"></span></p>
<p>Gamer and many others who study the nature of colonial rule offer the best insights into the functioning of our corporate state. We have been, like nations on the periphery of empire, colonized. We are controlled by tiny corporate entities that have no loyalty to the nation and indeed in the language of traditional patriotism are traitors. They strip us of our resources, keep us politically passive and enrich themselves at our expense. The mechanisms of control are familiar to those whom the Martinique-born French psychiatrist and writer Frantz Fanon called “the wretched of the earth,” including African-Americans. The colonized are denied job security. Incomes are reduced to subsistence level. The poor are plunged into desperation. Mass movements, such as labor unions, are dismantled. The school system is degraded so only the elites have access to a superior education. Laws are written to legalize corporate plunder and abuse, as well as criminalize dissent. And the ensuing fear and instability—keenly felt this past weekend by the more than 200,000 Americans who lost their unemployment benefits—ensure political passivity by diverting all personal energy toward survival. It is an old, old game.</p>
<p>A change of power does not require the election of a Mitt Romney or a Barack Obama or a Democratic majority in Congress, or an attempt to reform the system or electing progressive candidates, but rather a destruction of corporate domination of the political process—Gamer’s “patron-client” networks. It requires the establishment of new mechanisms of governance to distribute wealth and protect resources, to curtail corporate power, to cope with the destruction of the ecosystem and to foster the common good. But we must first recognize ourselves as colonial subjects. We must accept that we have no effective voice in the way we are governed. We must accept the hollowness of electoral politics, the futility of our political theater, and we must destroy the corporate structure itself.</p>
<p>The danger the corporate state faces does not come from the poor. The poor, those Karl Marx dismissed as the <a href="http://education.yahoo.com/reference/dictionary/entry/lumpenproletariat">Lumpenproletariat</a>, do not mount revolutions, although they join them and often become cannon fodder. The real danger to the elite comes from <a href="http://www.thefreedictionary.com/declasse">déclassé</a> intellectuals, those educated middle-class men and women who are barred by a calcified system from advancement. Artists without studios or theaters, teachers without classrooms, lawyers without clients, doctors without patients and journalists without newspapers descend economically. They become, as they mingle with the underclass, a bridge between the worlds of the elite and the oppressed. And they are the dynamite that triggers revolt.</p>
<p>This is why the Occupy movement frightens the corporate elite. What fosters revolution is not misery, but the gap between what people expect from their lives and what is offered. This is especially acute among the educated and the talented. They feel, with much justification, that they have been denied what they deserve. They set out to rectify this injustice. And the longer the injustice festers, the more radical they become.</p>
<p>The response of a dying regime—and our corporate regime <em>is</em> dying—is to employ increasing levels of force, and to foolishly refuse to ameliorate the chronic joblessness, foreclosures, mounting student debt, lack of medical insurance and exclusion from the centers of power. Revolutions are fueled by an inept and distant ruling class that perpetuates political paralysis. This ensures its eventual death.</p>
<p>In every revolutionary movement I covered in Latin America, Africa and the Middle East, the leadership emerged from déclassé intellectuals. The leaders were usually young or middle-aged, educated and always unable to meet their professional and personal aspirations. They were never part of the power elite, although often their parents had been. They were conversant in the language of power as well as the language of oppression. It is the presence of large numbers of déclassé intellectuals that makes the uprisings in Spain, Egypt, Greece and finally the United States threatening to the overlords at Goldman Sachs, ExxonMobil and JPMorgan Chase. They must face down opponents who understand, in a way the uneducated often do not, the lies disseminated on behalf of corporations by the public relations industry. These déclassé intellectuals, because they are conversant in economics and political theory, grasp that those who hold power, real power, are not the elected mandarins in Washington but the criminal class on Wall Street.</p>
<p>This is what made <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malcolm_x">Malcolm X</a> so threatening to the white power structure. He refused to countenance Martin Luther King’s fiction that white power and white liberals would ever lift black people out of economic squalor. King belatedly came to share Malcolm’s view. Malcolm X named the enemy. He exposed the lies. And until we see the corporate state, and the games it is playing with us, with the same kind of clarity, we will be nothing more than useful idiots.</p>
<p>“This is an era of hypocrisy,” Malcolm X said. “When white folks pretend that they want Negroes to be free, and Negroes pretend to white folks that they really believe that white folks want ’em to be free, it’s an era of hypocrisy, brother. You fool me and I fool you. You pretend that you’re my brother and I pretend that I really believe you believe you’re my brother.”</p>
<p>Those within a demoralized ruling elite, like characters in a Chekhov play, increasingly understand that the system that enriches and empowers them is corrupt and decayed. They become cynical. They do not govern effectively. They retreat into hedonism. They no longer believe their own rhetoric. They devote their energies to stealing and exploiting as much, as fast, as possible. They pillage their own institutions, as we have seen with the newly disclosed loss of $2 billion within JPMorgan Chase, the meltdown of <a href="http://wizbangblog.com/2012/04/19/chesapeake-energy-ceo-in-hot-water-again/">Chesapeake Energy Corp.</a> or the collapse of Enron and Lehman Brothers. The elites become cannibals. They consume each other. This is what happens in the latter stages of all dying regimes. Louis XIV pillaged his own nobility by revoking <a href="http://sawaal.ibibo.com/politics/what-patents-nobility-1639642.html">patents of nobility</a> and reselling them. It is what most corporations do to their shareholders. A dying ruling class, in short, no longer acts to preserve its own longevity. It becomes fashionable, even in the rarefied circles of the elite, to ridicule and laugh at the political puppets that are the public face of the corporate state.</p>
<p>“Ideas that have outlived their day may hobble about the world for years,” <a href="http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/RUSherzen.htm">Alexander Herzen</a> wrote, “but it is hard for them ever to lead and dominate life. Such ideas never gain complete possession of a man, or they gain possession only of incomplete people.”</p>
<p>This loss of faith means that when it comes time to use force, the elites employ it haphazardly and inefficiently, in large part because they are unsure of the loyalty of the foot soldiers on the streets charged with carrying out repression.</p>
<p>Revolutions take time. The American Revolution began with protests against the Stamp Act of 1765 but did not erupt until a decade later. The 1917 revolution in Russia started with a dress rehearsal in 1905. The most effective revolutions, including the Russian Revolution, have been largely nonviolent. There are always violent radicals who carry out bombings and assassinations, but they hinder, especially in the early stages, more than help revolutions. The anarchist <a href="http://www.answers.com/topic/peter-kropotkin">Peter Kropotkin</a> during the Russian Revolution condemned the radical terrorists, asserting that they only demoralized and frightened away the movement’s followers and discredited authentic anarchism.</p>
<p>Radical violent groups cling like parasites to popular protests. The Black Panthers, the American Indian Movement, the Weather Underground, the Red Brigades and the Symbionese Liberation Army arose in the ferment of the 1960s. Violent radicals are used by the state to justify harsh repression. They scare the mainstream from the movement. They thwart the goal of all revolutions, which is to turn the majority against an isolated and discredited ruling class. These violent fringe groups are seductive to those who yearn for personal empowerment through hyper-masculinity and violence, but they do little to advance the cause. The primary role of radical extremists, such as Maximilien Robespierre and Vladimir Lenin, is to hijack successful revolutions. They unleash a reign of terror, primarily against fellow revolutionaries, which often outdoes the repression of the old regime. They often do not play much of a role in building a revolution.</p>
<p>The power of the Occupy movement is that it expresses the widespread disgust with the elites, and the deep desire for justice and fairness that is essential to all successful revolutionary movements. The Occupy movement will change and mutate, but it will not go away. It may appear to make little headway, but this is less because of the movement’s ineffectiveness and more because decayed systems of power have an amazing ability to perpetuate themselves through habit, routine and inertia. The press and organs of communication, along with the anointed experts and academics, tied by money and ideology to the elites, are useless in dissecting what is happening within these movements. They view reality through the lens of their corporate sponsors. They have no idea what is happening.</p>
<p>Dying regimes are chipped away slowly and imperceptibly. The assumptions and daily formalities of the old system are difficult for citizens to abandon, even when the old system is increasingly hostile to their dignity, well-being and survival. Supplanting an old faith with a new one is the silent, unseen battle of all revolutionary movements. And during the slow transition it is almost impossible to measure progress.</p>
<p>“Sometimes people hold a core belief that is very strong,” Fanon wrote in <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_Skin,_White_Masks">“Black Skin, White Masks.”</a> “When they are presented with evidence that works against that belief, the new evidence cannot be accepted. It would create a feeling that is extremely uncomfortable, called cognitive dissonance. And because it is so important to protect the core belief, they will rationalize, ignore and even deny anything that doesn’t fit in with the core belief.”</p>
<p>The end of these regimes comes when old beliefs die and the organs of security, especially the police and military, abandon the elites and join the revolutionaries. This is true in every successful revolution. It does not matter how sophisticated the repressive apparatus. Once those who handle the tools of repression become demoralized, the security and surveillance state is impotent. Regimes, when they die, are like a great ocean liner sinking in minutes on the horizon. And no one, including the purported leaders of the opposition, can predict the moment of death. Revolutions have an innate, mysterious life force that defies comprehension. They are living entities.</p>
<p>The defection of the security apparatus is often done with little or no violence, as I witnessed in Eastern Europe in 1989 and as was also true in 1979 in Iran and in 1917 in Russia. At other times, when it has enough residual force to fight back, the dying regime triggers a violent clash as it did in the American Revolution when soldiers and officers in the British army, including George Washington, rebelled to raise the Continental Army. Violence also characterized the 1949 Chinese revolution led by Mao Zedong. But even revolutions that turn violent succeed, as Mao conceded, because they enjoy popular support and can mount widespread protests, strikes, agitation, revolutionary propaganda and acts of civil disobedience. The object is to try to get there without violence. Armed revolutions, despite what the history books often tell us, are tragic, ugly, frightening and sordid affairs. Those who storm Bastilles, as the Polish dissident Adam Michnik wrote, “unwittingly build new ones.” And once revolutions turn violent it becomes hard to speak of victors and losers.</p>
<p>A revolution has been unleashed across the globe. This revolution, a popular repudiation of the old order, is where we should direct all our energy and commitment.  If we do not topple the corporate elites the ecosystem will be destroyed and massive numbers of human beings along with it. The struggle will be long. There will be times when it will seem we are going nowhere. Victory is not inevitable. But this is our best and only hope. The response of the corporate state will ultimately determine the parameters and composition of rebellion. I pray we replicate the 1989 nonviolent revolutions that overthrew the communist regimes in Eastern Europe. But this is not in my hands or yours. Go ahead and vote this November. But don’t waste any more time or energy on the presidential election than it takes to get to your polling station and pull a lever for a third-party candidate—just enough to register your obstruction and defiance—and then get back out onto the street. That is where the question of real power is being decided.</p>
<p><span style="color: #808080;"><strong><span style="font-size: 10px; font-family: verdana,geneva;">ABOUT THE AUTHOR</span></strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10px; font-family: verdana,geneva;">Chris Hedges, whose column is published Mondays on Truthdig, spent nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent in Central America, the Middle East, Africa and the Balkans. He has reported from more than 50 countries and has worked for The Christian Science Monitor, National Public Radio, The Dallas Morning News and The New York Times, for which he was a foreign correspondent for 15 years.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 10px; font-family: verdana,geneva;">Illustration by Mr. Fish</span></p>
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		<title>The United States: An Impoverished, Delusional Society</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/the-united-states-an-impoverished-delusional-society/</link>
		<comments>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/the-united-states-an-impoverished-delusional-society/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 19:28:51 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[BATTLE OF COMMUNICATIONS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CAPITALISM & SOCIALISM]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CITIZEN TOOLS]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[Special— When Europeans resist corporate austerity measures, they are struggling to avoid “being forced to live like most Americans, at the total mercy of the rich.” The U.S. safety net hardly exists. The “American way of life” is a state of profound insecurity and social disconnectedness. A Black Agenda Radio commentary by Glen Ford “Europe [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: 12px;">Special—</span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: 12px;"><strong><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/USsafetyNetlining_up.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignnone size-full wp-image-34556" style="border-image: initial; border-width: 2px; border-color: black; border-style: solid;" title="USsafetyNetlining_up" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/USsafetyNetlining_up.jpg" alt="" width="400" height="300" /></a></strong></span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">When Europeans resist corporate austerity measures, they are struggling to avoid “being forced to live like most Americans, at the total mercy of the rich.” The U.S. safety net hardly exists. The “American way of life” is a state of profound insecurity and social disconnectedness.<span id="more-34555"></span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva; color: #ff0000;"><strong>A <a href="http://www.blackagendareport.com/">Black Agenda Radio</a> commentary by Glen Ford</strong></span></p>
<p align="CENTER"><span style="color: #2323dc; font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">“<em>Europe is headed for deep turmoil because Europeans have something to defend.”</em></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Thanks to the U.S. corporate media’s great skills of obfuscation, omission and just plain lying, Americans are quite confused about the political and financial crisis in Europe, and what it means on this side of the Atlantic. People in the United States harbor vague fears that the social turmoil they see playing out in European elections and on the streets may come here. This scares them, which is almost funny, in a very sad way, since what European working people are struggling to avoid is being forced to live like most Americans, at the total mercy of the rich.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Europeans are righteously upset because they have something quite precious to lose: a social safety net that provides levels of security that Americans have never experienced, and that many cannot even imagine. Since most overworked or underemployed Americans don’t know how Europeans actually live, they find it difficult to understand what all the fuss is about. U.S. corporate media fill in the vast blanks in American consciousness with slanders against Europe – the relatively comfortable French and the devastated Greeks, alike – branding them all lazy slackers who don’t want to work hard or pay their bills. America’s damn near nonexistent social welfare structure is packaged as a virtue, while the sights and sounds of European protest are made to seem ominous, dangerous, selfish.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Most Americans of modest means don’t travel to countries where the people live better than they do, or are so oblivious that they don’t notice the deep social service networks that underlie these societies. Americans cannot understand, for example, that higher educational achievement is so often tied to strong national compacts among citizens and fundamental notions of social equality – these qualities being absent in American life. CNN is quick to cite figures on European unemployment, but tells its U.S. audience virtually nothing about the social safety net that makes unemployment in Europe a very different experience than being without a job in the United States.</span></p>
<p align="CENTER"><span style="color: #2323dc; font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">“<em>America’s damn near nonexistent social welfare structure is packaged as a virtue.”</em></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">A young relative of mine happened to graduate with a professional degree just in time for the 2008 meltdown, which wiped out all the new jobs in his profession. He sought work in France, being fluent in the language, and found it a far more welcoming society than his own. More than half of his rent was subsidized, because the French believe that people younger than 26 should have a chance to begin independent lives without undue burdens. My young Black American relative rode public transportation for half fare, as did his young French peers. While working, he considered getting another professional degree, which would have cost him less than $2,000 a year at a fairly prestigious French school. And he was a foreigner! A French student who had already paid into the health care system, could study for a year for less than $1,000.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">My young relative eventually came home – because…well, this <em>is</em> home. It is a materially rich country, but one that is socially impoverished and, frankly, too ignorant to know it. Europe is headed for deep turmoil because Europeans have something to defend. They’ll fight to keep a decent social welfare net. The Americans don’t even know what a minimally just society looks like or feels like. We’ll have to create that society through struggle, and almost from scratch.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">For Black Agenda Radio, I’m Glen Ford. On the web, go to BlackAgendaReport.com.</span></p>
<p><strong><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva; color: #003366;"><em>BAR executive editor Glen Ford can be contacted at </em><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="mailto:Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com"><span style="color: #003366;"><em><a href="mailto:Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com">Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com</a></em></span></a> [4]</span><em>.</em></span></strong></p>
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<div><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><a href="http://traffic.libsyn.com/blackagendareport/20120516_gf_USvEurope.mp3" rel="nofollow">http://traffic.libsyn.com/blackagendareport/20120516_gf_USvEurope.mp3</a></span></div>
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<li><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><a title="" href="http://blackagendareport.com/category/political-economy/austerity" rel="tag">austerity</a></span></li>
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<li><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><a title="" href="http://blackagendareport.com/category/other/ba-radio-commentary" rel="tag">ba radio commentary</a></span></li>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>Source URL:</strong> <a href="http://blackagendareport.com/content/united-states-impoverished-delusional-society">http://blackagendareport.com/content/united-states-impoverished-delusional-society</a></span></p>
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<p style="text-align: center;">_________________________________________________________<span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">______________________</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;">¶</p>
<p style="text-align: center;">ADVERT PRO NOBIS</p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">IF YOU CAN&#8217;T SEND A DONATION, NO MATTER HOW SMALL, AND YOU THINK THIS PUBLICATION IS WORTH SUPPORTING, AT LEAST HELP <a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/">THE GREANVILLE</a> POST EXPAND ITS INFLUENCE BY MENTIONING IT TO YOUR FRIENDS VIA TWEET OR OTHER SOCIAL NETWORKS! <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">We are in a battle of communications with entrenched enemies that won&#8217;t stop until this world is destroyed and our remaining democratic rights stamped out. Only mass education and mobilization can stop this process. </span></span></strong></span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;"><span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">It&#8217;s really up to you. </span> <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">Do your part while you can.</span> </span></strong></span><span style="color: #000000;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">••• </span></strong></span></span></span></p>
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		<title>Glen Ford—Make the Choice: Wall Street or Society</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/glen-ford-make-the-choice-wall-street-or-society/</link>
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		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 18:30:31 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[ACTIVISTS & HEROES]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[ANNOTATED NEWS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FINANCE CAPITAL]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[GOVERNMENT CRIMES]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.greanvillepost.com/?p=34551</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[  by Black Agenda Report executive editor Glen Ford The liberal reformers are once again talking about tinkering with Wall Street’s economic and political stranglehold on society. “The reformist debate accepts the inevitability of private capital as the engine of economic – and, therefore, social – development.” The truth is, Wall Street needs derivatives to [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p> <a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/wall_street_subway.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignnone size-full wp-image-34552" title="wall_street_subway" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/wall_street_subway.jpg" alt="" width="400" height="300" /></a></p>
<div id="node-13056">
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva; color: #ff0000;"><strong>by <a href="http://www.blackagendareport.com/"><span style="color: #ff0000;">Black Agenda Report</span></a> executive editor Glen Ford</strong></span></p>
<blockquote>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">The liberal reformers are once again talking about tinkering with Wall Street’s economic and political stranglehold on society. “The reformist debate accepts the inevitability of private capital as the engine of economic – and, therefore, social – development.” The truth is, Wall Street needs derivatives to generate the “windfalls and mega-scores to keep the decaying system going.” But, does society need Wall Street? Hell no!<span id="more-34551"></span></span></p>
</blockquote>
<p align="CENTER"><span style="color: #2323dc; font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">“<em>Together, the top rung of ‘too big to fail’ institutions accounts for 56 percent of the U.S. economy.”</em></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Left-liberals are in a huff, demanding another shot at reforming finance capital, perhaps through “breaking up” the five (or maybe, 20) biggest banks. They might as well prescribe a regimen of behavioral modification to fight Stage IV cancer.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">The rehash of reformist debate is occasioned by news that JP Morgan Chase, the nation’s biggest bank, lost at least $2 billion betting in the derivatives casinos. President Obama <span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2012/may/15/jp-morgan-obama-backs-wall-st-reform">feigns shock</a> [5]</span></span> at the very idea that an institution with derivatives “exposures” of <a href="http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article31334.htm"><span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">$70 </span></span><span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><em>trillion</em></span></span></a> [6] – larger than the gross planetary product of Earth! – has been caught, heaven forbid, “making bets in these derivative markets.” Since Morgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon is, in Obama’s estimation, “one of the smartest bankers we got,” who knows what the less intelligent honchos at the other behemoth banks might be up to? Together, the top rung of “too big to fail” institutions accounts for <span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://blogs.reuters.com/david-rohde/2012/05/10/break-up-the-big-banks/">56 percent</a> [7]</span></span> of the U.S. economy: $8.5 trillion in assets, last year, out of a GDP of about $15 trillion. Throw in the rest of the top 20 banks, all of which are “unsafe and unsound,” according to economics law professor William K. Black, of the University of Missouri-Kansas City, and the great bulk of the U.S. economy is in “unsafe and unsound” hands. These same hands politically control the State, to protect and further facilitate their “unsafe and unsound” practices.</span></p>
<p align="CENTER"><span style="color: #2323dc; font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">“<em>The great bulk of the U.S. economy is in ‘unsafe and unsound’ hands.”</em></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Does “breaking up the banks” solve the problem? No, not unless the whole class of gamblers and thieves is removed from centrality in the national and world economy – and, thereby, the political process – and their derivatives abolished. But, don’t tell that to Katrina vanden Heuvel, publisher of <em>The Nation</em>. In the magazine’s <span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.thenation.com/blog/167901/its-time-break-big-banks">current issue</a> [8]</span></span>, she swears by Democratic Ohio Sen. Sherrod Brown’s bill to cap the size of individual banks at 10 percent of “the market” and stop them from “racking up non-deposit liabilities of more than 2 percent of the GDP.” Others, like <em>Rolling Stone’s</em> Mike Taibbi, would allow the bankers to <span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/blogs/taibblog/jamies-cryin-dimon-j-p-morgan-chase-lose-2-billion-20120511#ixzz1uZyV0kQM">continue to bet</a> [9]</span></span>, but not with depositors’ funds or “free” money from the Federal Reserve discount window.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Here is the historical truth: at this late stage of capitalism, the financial class desperately <em>needs</em> to gamble on derivatives and manipulate markets on a huge scale in order to survive. The old, tried and true law of diminishing returns on investment, combined with the global rise of economic powers beyond their ability to control, caught up with the Lords of Capital some decades ago. Wall Street invented derivatives so that the big boys, the only ones equipped to play – and, therefore, rig – trillion-dollar games, could generate sufficient windfalls and mega-scores to keep the decaying system going. “Productive” investment – the kind that creates good jobs in mature capitalist societies – no longer sufficed to keep Wall Street’s speculative pumps primed.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Take away their ability to craft exotic mega-wagers, create “markets” and “bubbles” out of “notional” capital, and to organize vast waves of leveraged funds, protected by law and/or the armed might of the U.S. and its imperial partners, and finance capital ceases to function. Which would be a very good thing, if societies put in place public investment institutions capable on their own of financing growth and structural renewal. But that requires the displacement – the overthrow – of private capital from the “commanding heights” of the economy and national polity.</span></p>
<p align="CENTER"><span style="color: #2323dc; font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">“’<em>Productive’ investment – the kind that creates good jobs in mature capitalist societies – no longer sufficed to keep Wall Street’s speculative pumps primed.”</em></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Otherwise, there is no choice but patchwork reforms that hardly slow, and may even accelerate, the consolidation of Wall Street&#8217;s power – such as <span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://mobile.businessweek.com/articles/2012-04-19/big-banks-now-even-too-bigger-to-fail">has occurred</a> [10]</span></span> since the meltdown of 2008. Political power does not flow from the barrel of a gun; it flows from control of the economy, which buys State Power and the guns that go with it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">This is the lesson that movements such as Occupy Wall Street must learn, or be ultimately waylaid and demoralized. You cannot “regulate” the behavior of Tyrannosaurus Rex while he still has the size and teeth to kill you at will. The T-Rex, here, is a <em>class</em> that, even if chopped into many Velociraptors, will still dominate the societal jungle if they are not removed from dominion over the economy.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">The reformist debate accepts the inevitability of private capital as the engine of economic – and, therefore, social – development. It seeks to hem in the T-Rex with fences of string or transform the beast into lots of vicious, smaller killers, without removing them as a class from the top of the food chain, and replacing them with public capital to create jobs and a better society. In the end, such tinkering reforms require the T-Rex’s permission to be enacted, resulting in diversionary drivel like the Dodd-Frank bill, which did nothing to slow down JP Morgan Chase and its fellows.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">In point of fact, derivatives are now estimated at <span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.investorplace.com/investorpolitics/derivatives-the-600-trillion-time-bomb-set-to-explode/">$600 trillion</a> [11]</span></span>, world-wide, most of them held by the five biggest U.S. financial institutions. (This figure does not count the <span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.investorplace.com/investorpolitics/derivatives-the-600-trillion-time-bomb-set-to-explode/">unknown number</a> [11]</span></span> and notional value of wholly unregulated credit “swaps” between corporations.)</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">Hedge funds should be allowed to continue to engage in grand speculation, say the left-liberals – as if massed, purely speculative capital is not horrifically destructive. Ask the Europeans, whose nation-states are being mauled by hedge funds and savaged by derivatives, mutations of a decaying and predatory class that clings to life through pure speculation, producing nothing but chaos.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">The enemy has been named: Wall Street. It must be destroyed and replaced by public (people’s) power. That’s the politically sophisticated solution – and the only one.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="color: #280099;"><em>BAR executive editor Glen Ford can be contacted at </em></span><span style="color: #0000ff;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="mailto:Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com"><span style="color: #280099;"><em><a href="mailto:Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com">Glen.Ford@BlackAgendaReport.com</a></em></span></a> [12]</span></span><span style="color: #280099;"><em>.</em></span></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><a title="" href="http://blackagendareport.com/category/political-economy/derivatives" rel="tag">derivatives</a></span></p>
</li>
<li><a title="" href="http://blackagendareport.com/category/political-economy/hedge-funds" rel="tag">hedge funds</a></li>
<li><a title="" href="http://blackagendareport.com/category/political-economy/jp-morgan-chase-gambling" rel="tag">JP Morgan Chase gambling</a></li>
</ul>
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<div><strong>Source URL:</strong> <a href="http://blackagendareport.com/content/make-choice-wall-street-or-society">http://blackagendareport.com/content/make-choice-wall-street-or-society</a></div>
<p><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/TGPAdhalfsize.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="wp-image-30965 alignleft" style="border: 2px solid black;" title="TGPAdhalfsize" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/TGPAdhalfsize.jpg" alt="" width="132" height="164" /></a></p>
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<p style="text-align: center;">_________________________________________________________<span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">______________________</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;">¶</p>
<p style="text-align: center;">ADVERT PRO NOBIS</p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">IF YOU CAN&#8217;T SEND A DONATION, NO MATTER HOW SMALL, AND YOU THINK THIS PUBLICATION IS WORTH SUPPORTING, AT LEAST HELP <a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/">THE GREANVILLE</a> POST EXPAND ITS INFLUENCE BY MENTIONING IT TO YOUR FRIENDS VIA TWEET OR OTHER SOCIAL NETWORKS! <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">We are in a battle of communications with entrenched enemies that won&#8217;t stop until this world is destroyed and our remaining democratic rights stamped out. Only mass education and mobilization can stop this process. </span></span></strong></span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;"><span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">It&#8217;s really up to you. </span> <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">Do your part while you can.</span> </span></strong></span><span style="color: #000000;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">••• </span></strong></span></span></span></p>
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		<title>Bruce Dixon: Obama&#8217;s No-Risk Drive-By On Gay Marriage</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/bruce-dixon-obamas-no-risk-drive-by-on-gay-marriage/</link>
		<comments>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/bruce-dixon-obamas-no-risk-drive-by-on-gay-marriage/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 18:22:13 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[ANNOTATED NEWS]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.greanvillepost.com/?p=34546</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[by Black Agenda Report managing editor Bruce A. Dixon The president&#8217;s announcement favoring the right of same sex couples to marry is long overdue and better than nothing. But it doesn&#8217;t make him a fearless warrior for human rights, any more than Henry Kissinger&#8217;s Nobel Peace Prize makes him Mahatma Gandhi. “Marriage is a legal [...]]]></description>
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<div><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif; font-size: x-small;"><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Obama-first_gay_president.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignnone size-full wp-image-34547" title="Obama-first_gay_president" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/Obama-first_gay_president.jpg" alt="" width="400" height="300" /></a></span></div>
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<div><strong style="font-size: small; font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">by <a href="http://www.blackagendareport.com">Black Agenda Report </a>managing editor Bruce A. Dixon</strong></div>
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<blockquote>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">The president&#8217;s announcement favoring the right of same sex couples to marry is long overdue and better than nothing. But it doesn&#8217;t make him a fearless warrior for human rights, any more than Henry Kissinger&#8217;s Nobel Peace Prize makes him Mahatma Gandhi.<span id="more-34546"></span></span></p>
</blockquote>
<p align="CENTER"><span style="color: #800000;">“<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><em>Marriage is a legal and human right that same sex couples and their families need, want and deserve. “</em></span></span></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">President Obama&#8217;s belated declaration in favor of same sex marriage was not an act of political courage. Courage is risky and the president put nothing on the line he could lose. It wasn&#8217;t about leadership, because Barack Obama arrived after and not before most of his party and most of the country. Barack Obama did a presidential drive-by, a mock-assault in which he rolled by and sprayed a clip full of rhetorical blanks in the general direction of the foes of equal rights at no risk to himself and without targeting anything in particular.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Think about it. If this had been a Republican president, say Reagan or Bush, making the opposite announcement, it would have been accompanied with a fistful of new executive branch regulations, a couple new bills for introduction in Congress, and a proposed constitutional amendment. Almost a week later, Obama is finally suggesting that repeal of the odious Defense of Marriage Act [DOMA] would be a good idea. But don&#8217;t wait up for his people in Congress to introduce it.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Make no mistake, Obama&#8217;s announcement is better than nothing. Marriage is a legal and human right that same sex couples and their families need, want and deserve. Without it, same sex partners can&#8217;t visit each other in hospitals, can&#8217;t get medical coverage for spouses, cannot make emergency medical decisions for each other and their survivors and children are not guaranteed access to joint assets, pensions or survivors benefits when one partner dies, and they have no access to divorce courts when coiuples break up.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">This is crucially important because divorce courts are the only legal proceedings where the objective is equitable distribution of assets along with the best interests of children. Without access to divorce court the high earner in a same sex couple can pocket the lion&#8217;s share of assets and walk away. Child support? If gay couples can&#8217;t legally adopt or marry, don&#8217;t count on it. </span></p>
<p align="CENTER"><span style="color: #800000;">“<span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><em>The president&#8217;s announcement satisfied a constituency that was mostly his already, and that makes significant campaign contributions as well. Some of his other supporters might grumble, but none of them will bolt. ”</em></span></span></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">Obama&#8217;s belated announcement on gay marriage is good. It&#8217;s just not all that good. Marriage is the overwhelming priority of well-off white gays. But the rest of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community have other pressing issues. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">If you&#8217;re a gay teenager, your big problem might be having a place to live and attend school, how to stay out of the juvenile system after your parents kick you out or after your school turns a blind eye when you get beat down. If you&#8217;re a gay or transgender adult, you might live in fear that your landlord or boss will discover your identity and fire or evict you. If you&#8217;re gay or transgender and homeless, there are shelter and agencies who simply won&#8217;t deal with you, and if you&#8217;re in the custody of adult or juvenile correctional institutions, you&#8217;ve got special problems as well. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">The president&#8217;s announcement satisfied a constituency that was mostly his already, and that makes significant campaign contributions as well. Some of his other supporters might grumble, but none of them will bolt. So politically, it was a no-risk, no-lose proposition, and it gives staunch Obamaphiles still another halo, this one in rainbow colors, to hang on the head of their shining black prince. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">So while the president&#8217;s announcement in favor of gay marriage really IS a good thing, it doesn&#8217;t make him a fearless warrior for human rights any more than his tainted Nobel Peace Prize made him Martin Luther King. After all, Henry Kissinger F.W. DeKlerk have those too. </span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: Arial, sans-serif;">For Black Agenda Radio, I&#8217;m Bruce Dixon. Find us on the web at <a href="http://www.blackagendareport.com/">www.blackagendareport.com</a> [7].</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><em>Bruce A. Dixon is managing editor at Black Agenda Report, and a member of the state committee of the Georgia Green Party. Contact him at bruce.dixon(at)blackagendareport.com.</em></span></p>
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		<title>The meaning and necessity of revolution in the 21st century</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/the-meaning-and-necessity-of-revolution-in-the-21st-century/</link>
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		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 17:46:03 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[by Jerome Roos on May 11, 2012ROAR MAGAZINE  The protests by Spanish indignados are replicated and resonate in every corner of Europe, with the brave Greeks providing their own example. ________ The global day of action on May 12 will mark the resurgence of our resistance. But what is the way forward for our movement in [...]]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>by Jerome Roos on <abbr title="2012-05-11">May 11, 2012<br /><a href="http://roarmag.org/2012/05/jerome-roos-ovni-2012-revolution-21st-century/">ROAR MAGAZINE </a></abbr></strong></span></p>
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<div><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/spanishIndignados.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignnone size-full wp-image-34540" title="spanishIndignados" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/spanishIndignados.jpg" alt="" width="464" height="261" /><br /></a><span style="font-size: 10px; font-family: verdana, geneva;">The protests by Spanish indignados are replicated and resonate in every corner of Europe, with the brave Greeks providing their own example. </span><br />________</p>
<p><strong>The global day of action on May 12 will mark the resurgence of our resistance. But what is the way forward for our movement in these times of crisis?</strong></p>
<p><em>This is the transcript of a presentation given at the <a href="http://www.cccb.org/en/audiovisual-oblit_ovni_2012-40740">OVNI 2012</a> festival in the </em><em>Centre de Cultura Contemporània de Barcelona on May 11, 2012.</em></p>
<p>It’s amazing to be here in Barcelona – home to one of the most inspiring <a href="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Spanish_Revolution">revolutionary episodes</a> in European history and today once again a hotbed of popular resistance against market fundamentalism and a false democracy. Before I start, I would like to thank the OVNI organization and Carlos Delclós — a lecturer at Pompeu Fabra, an active member of the movement here in Barcelona, and a contributor to ROARMAG.org — for giving me the opportunity to speak to you today, on the eve of the global day of action of May 12.<span id="more-34535"></span></p>
<p><strong>On the Edge of History</strong></p>
<p>We are living through historic times. While the future may look bleak and uncertain, we are – in our own particular way – blessed to live through an era in which the very word ‘revolution’ is no longer just the abstract obsession of some fringe romantics inside the Old Left. We are living through a time in which the word capitalism no longer invokes hard work and ample reward, but the lack of work and opportunity for a growing number of people around the world. This is a time in which the very existence of revolutionary theory and practice is no longer considered just an academic or activist privilege, but a pressing global necessity and – increasingly – a factual reality on the ground.</p>
<p>We are living through a time in which the illusory sense of growth and progress that underpinned the cultural hegemony of neoliberalism – and its belief that representative democracy and the self-regulating market will bring freedom and prosperity to all – is dying a slow and painful death. The deceptive ideological mirror of the End of History has been <a href="http://roarmag.org/2011/10/the-year-2011-marks-the-end-of-the-end-of-history/">shattered</a>, and in come tumbling a whole new range of alternative futures. With the uprisings that started in the Arab world last year, history appears to have started anew. After a brief interlude that began with the end of the Cold War, the ongoing global financial crisis has radically shaken the foundations of the neoliberal world order. The <a href="http://roarmag.org/2011/11/from-the-spiritual-crisis-of-humanity-to-the-endless-struggle/">endless struggle</a> has recommenced, and in the process, the horizon of the possible is rapidly shifting. And the most incredible thing is that we’re watching all of it happen right in front of our very eyes.</p>
<p>The other day I was speaking to a journalist who in his time covered the 1968 student uprising in Paris, and ran from revolution to coup d’état in Latin America during the 1970s and 1980s. He told me something that rang very true and that still seems very applicable to our predicament today: he said that in times of crisis, as coalitions of convenience fall apart and the illusion of systemic stability is disturbed from the inside out, the interests of different social groups and political actors suddenly appear just as they are. The naked essence of the system is <a href="http://roarmag.org/2011/09/eurozone-endgame-all-that-is-solid-melts-into-air/">revealed</a> for what it always already was. If the current crisis has been good for anything, it is that it has brutally uprooted the post-political consensus of the centrist parties and re-drawn the battle lines along the class divide.</p>
<p>The crisis, in short, has brought class struggle back to the fore. Suddenly, there is no longer such a thing as a safe and secure middle class. The politics of austerity have revealed the real cleavages in our globalized world economy. The battle-lines are drawn: this is a struggle between the 1% — politicians, financial capitalists, CEOs and military elites – and the rest of the world population. For the past 30 years, the 1% have been waging a silent war upon the 99%, but it took a financial crisis of historic proportions to bring this reality to light. So yes, even though we have chosen to struggle strictly with non-violent means, we find ourselves in a state of war nonetheless. And as Tolstoy so beautifully depicted in his War &amp; Peace, those participating in the battle often find themselves in a ‘fog of war’ – a period of protracted uncertainty about the strength of the opposing force, about one’s own strength, and about the future of our world in general.</p>
<p> <strong>Reflections on a Revolution</strong></p>
<p>The main thing we have tried to do at ROAR over the past year – and the main thing I will try to do in this intervention as well – is to alleviate some of this uncertainty through what one of our contributors has called ‘The Art of Information Activism’. One of our key objectives at ROAR has been to provide some <em>perspective</em>. To take a step back and understand the events of the past year in their spatial and temporal context – that is to say, to always highlight the <em>global</em> and <em>historical</em> dimension to what is happening today. In the process, we hope to not only amplify the voice of our generation, but also to distill some sense and order from the clamorous cacophony of our rapidly changing world.</p>
<p>Rosa Luxemburg once wrote that “the most revolutionary thing one can do is always to proclaim loudly what is happening.” But as we face an overload of informational stimuli, it seems at least equally important to try and connect the dots between all the seemingly disconnected events that present themselves to our consciousness on a daily basis. What connects the global financial crisis of 2008-’09 with the dramatic decision of Mohamed Bouazizi to set himself on fire in Tunisia in late 2010, thereby sparking the Arab Spring? What connects the spectacularly televised Egyptian revolution of 2011 to the real democracy movements in Spain and Greece? How is the fate of millions of smallholder farmers in Africa related to the predatory speculation of a small group of investment bankers on Wall Street? And what can the Occupy movement do to change any of this?</p>
<p>These are some of the questions I will try to touch upon in this intervention. Throughout my presentation, as I connect the dots between the crisis of global capitalism, the Arab Spring, and the movements in Europe, North America and elsewhere, I will try to address one overarching theme: the meaning of the word ‘revolution’ in the 21st century. What does it mean to be a revolutionary today? Did the events that took place in Egypt last year really constitute a ‘revolution’? When Puerta del Sol was occupied almost a year ago, and people carried around banners reading ‘nobody expects the Spanish revolution’, were they naively expressing a millennial sense of romanticism for times past, or is there an important moment of truth to be found in the revolutionary longing of our generation today?</p>
<p><strong>Revolution as a Co-Creative Process</strong></p>
<p>Whatever the answers may be, one thing that has become abundantly clear over the course of the past year, is that the idea of revolution cannot be condensed into a singular event – like the overthrow of a tyrant or the seizure of state power. Revolutions are <em>processes</em> by their very nature. They take place over a time-span of years – if not decades – and arise out of a complex web of historical currents and global interconnections. They have external manifestations – in the streets and squares – and internal motivations, in the hearts and minds of all those individual people constituting the masses. In other words, a real revolution does not <em>occur –</em><em> </em>it unfolds. It unfolds both mentally and materially; both individually and collectively.</p>
<p>While images of the multitude amassing in the square to overthrow the tyrant may carry crucial elements of political and emotional symbolism, our struggle cannot just presume to lead towards a single cathartic explosion of popular dissent, or the capture of existing institutions. It must first of all take place <em>inside</em> of each and every single one of us, radicalizing our worldview and propelling us to take action. From there, it must spread into the collective consciousness and the very social fabric that we are trying to revolutionize.</p>
<p>Our challenge, in other words, is much greater than overthrowing a dictator or an austerity memorandum. For the root causes of our current predicament are not to be found in the symptoms of the system – but at its very core. It is precisely the internal contradiction of a world system consisting of a globally integrated marketplace on the one hand, and a scattered array of competing nation states on the other, that conspires to keep reproducing the patterns of oppression and exclusion that we are trying to fight. As the glaring failure of almost any form of Really Existing Socialism has displayed, the capture of state power will not suffice to keep the global market in check. A revolution in one country is doomed to fail. To bring about a genuine revolution, we will have to work together across borders and unite for <em>global</em> change. But most importantly, to bring about a genuine revolution, we will have to replace the institutions of the old world – including the nation state, parliamentary democracy and a privately-controlled money supply – with our own.</p>
<p>This requires building a new world from the grassroots up to the global level. In order to achieve such a seemingly impossible feat, we must be daring. We must be patient. We must be creative. We must cooperate. But most of all, we must persevere. Persevere in the face of external repression. Persevere in the face of internal conflict. And above all, persevere in the face of the enormity of the challenge that lies ahead of us. In the short term, there will be no easy gains to reap. Sadly, we may not even see any tangible results until many years from now. But that does not mean that our ultimate goals are not worth the struggle. In fact, we have a responsibility to keep up the good fight – and fight it till the bitter end. This movement is only the beginning of our revolutionary process.</p>
<p>To be a revolutionary today is to take a plunge; a plunge into the deep, for we do not know what’s on the other side. But to be a revolutionary also means to make a vow; a vow to persevere until we finally reach the other side and prove once and for all that another world <em>is</em> possible.</p>
<p><strong>The Crisis of Global Capitalism</strong></p>
<p>But before we talk about the global revolutionary wave that began in Tunisia last year, let’s first take a step back and understand the origins of this so-called crisis and the deep sources of today’s indignation. As I said before, to be able to gauge our strength vis-à-vis our adversary, we first need to understand the global and historical context from which our struggle arose to begin with.</p>
<p>The simple truth is that the crises and uprisings of today, even though they may appear to some as disconnected events, are in reality <em>symptoms</em> of a much bigger and much more serious problem: a structural failure – or rather, the surfacing of a long-running and deep-seated disease – at the very core of the global capitalist system. This is not just a crisis of public finances or financial markets; neither is it just a crisis of neoliberal globalization. No, we are facing an existential crisis of global capitalism, only the third such crisis in the history of the modern world. In 2008, the global financial system veered on the brink of collapse. Few people realize it, but surrounding the collapse of Lehman Brothers, we were literally just days or hours away from a situation in which money would cease to come out of ATMs. We have to realize that we have already lived through the most serious financial crash and economic downturn since the Great Depression — and we are nowhere near its end.</p>
<p>By now, the financial crisis has given rise to a sovereign debt crisis. The weak link in today’s global economy is no longer just the United States, but Europe. With the eurozone on the verge of disintegration, the debt crisis has in turn given rise to a massive <em>social </em>crisis. Across the continent, neoliberal elites – working in the name of their masters in the financial sector – are rabidly cutting away at social provisions and the welfare state. This, in turn, has given rise to a political crisis of representation and a full-blown <em>legitimation</em> crisis of representative democracy. We saw it in the Greek elections last Sunday. For the first time since the fall of the dictatorship, a neo-Nazi party has made its way into Parliament. In slightly better news, a coalition of radical Left parties, Syriza, came second in the polls, and earlier this week trying to form a leftist government to overthrow the austerity memorandum.</p>
<p>What this indicates is that the crisis has made the people realize what is really at stake here. The irresistible politics of austerity have not only run up against the unmovable object of popular resistance – but they have also laid bare the allegiances of our political elites. Whether they are socialists or conservatives, all of them seem to unquestioningly carry out the <em>diktat</em> of financial markets and the technocrats in Brussels. In the process, democratic principles have been put on halt or done away with altogether. A permanent state of emergency has made itself master of the continent, with unelected banker governments installed in Greece and Italy, and politicians of the core countries mingling directly into the domestic affairs of the debt-stricken periphery. Not since the days of WWII has European democracy been faced with such an existential threat.</p>
<p>But of course, to those familiar with the history of neoliberalism and capitalism more generally, this is nothing new. The current crisis is merely the latest and most blatant manifestation of a protracted assault on hard-working people around the world. Real wages have remained stagnant for the past 30 years. In response, households have had to pile up unsustainable levels of debt in order to retain their purchasing power in a rapidly changing and globalizing economy. Sitting on top of a massive capital surplus extracted from the 99%, the banks smelled their opportunity. While politicians willingly looked the other way, the banks built up a global Ponzi scheme of unprecedented proportions. To complete their relentless assault on society, neoliberal elites unleashed a historic crackdown on labor unions and collective bargaining. The world was remade along the dystopian neoliberal vision of a globally-integrated financial kleptocracy.</p>
<p>It is not surprising, then, that the past thirty years have been the most tumultuous to date in terms of financial crises. When Mexico experienced the first sovereign debt crisis of the neoliberal era in 1982, wages across the country fell by an average of 25 to 30 percent. In South-East Asia, some 60 million jobs were lost between 1997 and 1999, and it took Thailand and Indonesia seven and eight years, respectively, to regain their average income levels of 1996. At the peak of the Argentine crisis in 2002, more than half the country’s population was thrown into poverty. Similarly, in Spain today, you know very well that more than half the population under 25 is now unemployed, while two years of harsh austerity in Greece have led to a situation where every week more than 1,200 Greeks lose their jobs. In Greece and Italy, suicide rates have spiked. It is no wonder, then, that all of these countries have experienced widespread popular protest and social unrest as a result.</p>
<p>But the historic roots of capitalist crisis and the assault on democracy go back much further than the past 30 years alone. In <em>Das Kapital</em>, Karl Marx already wrote that “the national debt gives rise to stock exchange gambling and the modern bankocracy.” Bankocracy is exactly the political system in which we find ourselves today. A small oligopoly of bankers, who control most of the wealth of the nations and are responsible for the creation of around 97% of the entire global money supply, have maneuvered themselves into a position of vast structural power.</p>
<p>The world economy and national governments alike now dance to the tune of finance capital. Such a situation was possible to sustain for 30 years only because cheap credit maintained the illusion of progress; the illusion that the ‘middle class’ still shared in the benefits of economic globalization. It is only now that the global Ponzi scheme has come undone, people are losing their jobs and getting kicked out of their homes, that the implicit consensus that undergirded the debt-based economy has begun to unravel. Finally, people have started to ask questions. And clearly those in power do not like that.</p>
<p>In the wake of the so-called Mexican Tequila Crisis of 1995, Subcomandante Marcos, spokesman for the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, observed that “in the cabaret of globalization, the state appears as a stripper – it strips off all its characteristics, until only the bare essential remains: repressive force.” Not surprisingly, it was the repressive force of a single municipal official in a small town in Tunisia that would prove to be the trigger unleashing a tidal wave of popular insurrections from North Africa to North America.</p>
<p><strong>The Global Revolutionary Wave</strong></p>
<p>As you know, it all began when Mohamed Bouazizi was robbed off his vending cart in Sidi Bouzid on December 17, 2010. The 26-year old Mohamed had never been a very politicized man. But his economic deprivation and social exclusion slowly drove him to the brink of despair. When a municipal officer finally confiscated his wares and – allegedly – humiliated and dishonored him by slapping him in the face and spitting at him, he snapped. He walked up to the local governor’s office, demanded to speak to the governor himself, and after he was turned down, drenched himself in petrol and lit the flame that would spark the Arab Spring and thereby unleash the <a href="http://roarmag.org/2011/11/17-n-global-protests-occupy-wall-street-student-strikes/">Global Revolutionary Wave of 2011</a>.</p>
<p>Of course the West was extremely slow to respond. In another sign of where the allegiances of our leaders truly lie, a French government minister even sent her parents on holiday to Tunis in the middle of the uprising and offered President Ben Ali her assistance in the crackdown. But when Ben Ali was toppled and the fire spread to Egypt, Western leaders finally began to realize that they could not turn the tide of popular indignation in the region. Quickly, a new narrative was established that portrayed the uprisings as a <em>liberal</em> call for freedom and democracy. If you read the <em>New York Times</em> or watched CNN in those days – something I personally tried to avoid – you would mostly find comparisons with the Eastern European uprisings against the Soviet regime. For the neoliberal West, the Arab Spring was the perfect confirmation of Fukuyama’s thesis of the End of History. “They”, the Arabs, “simply want what we have: a functional liberal democracy and integration into a global free market.”</p>
<p>But of course, to anyone willing to take a look at what the Arab revolutionaries were <em>really</em> saying, the uprisings were as much a rebellion against Western imperialism and unchecked economic liberalization, as they were a rebellion against the violent and unaccountable dictators of the region. I now want to show you a short video that illustrates the deep sources of indignation in Tunisia very well. This incendiary rap song by the 21-year old Tunisian rapper Hamada Ben Amor, known as <em>El General</em>, came out around the same time as Bouazizi’s fateful self-immolation. It immediately spread like a wildfire on Facebook, and <em>El General</em> became known as the ‘Voice of the Revolution’. As the uprising gathered pace, Hamada<em> </em>was arrested and disappeared for several days. The lyrics may give you an idea of how important <em>economic</em> grievances were for sparking the revolt. The song is called ‘Head of State’, and the boy you see being addressed by Ben Ali at the beginning is the young Hamada himself.</p>
<p><iframe src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/IeGlJ7OouR0" frameborder="0" width="500" height="369"></iframe></p>
<p>Just like in Tunisia, the uprising in Egypt was preceded by 30 years of far-reaching neoliberal reforms. Between 1982 and 1990, Egypt – just like Southern Europe today – faced a crippling sovereign debt crisis. When it was forced to go to international creditors to restructure its debt, the International Monetary Fund imposed a structural adjustment program as a condition for the disbursement of ‘emergency’ credit. As the <em>Monthly Review</em> reported, “the IMF conditions forced the government to cut spending on social services, relax price controls, cut subsidies, deregulate and privatize industries, target inflation, and liberalize capital flows.” All of this led to a deepening of inequality, increased labor precarity, and a massive rise in youth unemployment.</p>
<p>It was no surprise, then, that the early stirrings of resistance against the Mubarak regime were launched not by supporters of liberal democracy and free-market capitalism, but by a group of activists primarily concerned about the rising social injustice in the country. While the Western media reported on the Egyptian revolution as if it started simply on January 25, the first day of protests, the truth is that the <em>process</em> of organized resistance goes back at least as far as a planned strike in the industrial town of El-Mahalla El-Kubra, on April 6, 2008. This strike gave rise to the so-called April 6 Youth Movement – a loose coalition of revolutionary socialists and anarchists – who would later play a key role in the leaderless insurrection that toppled Mubarak.</p>
<p>The Egyptian uprising is therefore the best confirmation we have of the fact that a revolution is never just a singular telegenic <em>event</em>, but by its very definition a protracted <em>process</em>. The revolutionary process in Egypt continues in the streets and squares today. In last week’s clashes in front of the Ministry of Defense, the main chant of the protesters was once again “the people demand the fall of the regime.” By February of this year, precisely a year after the fall of Mubarak, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (or SCAF), had already imprisoned and tried over 12.000 Egyptians in  military tribunals. Hundreds have died in clashes with military police over the past year. The next video I will show you is a song by an Egyptian hip hop collective. It’s called Kazeboon – liars. ‘Nothing has changed,’ they sing, and Egyptians will have to rise up again to fulfill their revolution. The revolution, in other words, is still an ongoing process.</p>
<p><iframe src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/4h0KPtc-Dqc" frameborder="0" width="500" height="369"></iframe></p>
<p>And so the Arab Spring was not isolated from the broader crisis of capitalism. Youth unemployment in the region was staggering. Food and petrol prices had reached a historic high. The mainstream media, with its typical lack of long-term memory, simply forgot to mention that during the food crisis of 2007-’08, Egypt had already experienced widespread bread riots. The revolutionary wave that swept across North Africa and the Middle East, and that continues today, was at least in part fueled by the same global economic dynamics that saw the people of Spain and Greece take to the streets in May 2011.</p>
<p>And so it went. On May 15, the wave of indignation crossed the Mediterranean and finally reached the restive shores of Europe. After a massive march organized by a coalition of activists, artists and intellectuals, united under the banner <em>Democracia Real YA</em>, a small group of protesters decided to occupy Puerta del Sol. What followed, as they say, is history. I won’t dwell too long on the specifics of the 15-M movement here in Spain, for I assume that most of you are more familiar with the details than I am. But for the moment, suffice it to say that the struggle that emerged here in Spain – and that rapidly spread to Greece and later to New York and the rest of the world – is not an isolated event. It is part of a global wave of indignation that connects oppressed Arabs with unemployed Europeans; Chilean students with Nigerian fishermen; American occupiers with Chinese villagers. While each group has its own particular local grievances, these grievances ultimately emanate from the same universal source: the structural crisis of global capitalism.</p>
<p>One of the places where the anxiety and despair of economic collapse is most closely felt is undoubtedly in Greece. After 3 years of draconian austerity measures, the country has already lost 20 percent of its total GDP and has seen unemployment rise to a record 22 percent. Nowhere in Europe is the assault on human dignity, social solidarity and democratic legitimacy more painfully felt than in Greece. In order to be able to continue extracting full repayment from the Greek people, the EU and IMF even went as far as suspending the country’s democracy by imposing a technocratic government under the leadership of a former Vice-President of the European Central Bank. A remarkable detail is that Prime Minister Papademos was in charge of the Greek Central Bank when the country conspired with the Wall Street investment bank Goldman Sachs to mask its massive public debt through a quasi-legal financial transaction.</p>
<p>On May 25 last year, the Greeks followed in the footsteps of the Spanish <em>indignados</em> and occupied Syntagma Square in central Athens, demanding an end to the austerity memorandum, the ouster of the so-called Troika of foreign lenders, and the institution of direct democracy. Ever since, the images of police repression that have emerged out of Greece are of a truly different order. Last month, I was in Greece with my friend and fellow ROAR contributor Leonidas to make a short documentary on the crisis and the movement. One thing almost everyone told us is that they consider it a miracle that no one has died in the police crackdown so far. The next video was made by our friends in the multimedia team at Syntagma Square. It is a powerful illustration of how democratic values are being undermined in order to keep in place a fundamentally-flawed economic arrangement.</p>
<p><iframe src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/aE3R1BQrYCw" frameborder="0" width="500" height="284"></iframe></p>
<p>A few months later, the revolutionary fire spread from the global periphery to the very core of the global capitalist system. In the summer of 2011, our friends at <em>Adbusters</em> called for the occupation of Wall Street on September 17. On that day, as part of a global day of action against the power of the banks, thousands swarmed into Lower Manhattan and set up an occupation in Zuccotti Park, in what has become the biggest social movement in the United States since the end of the Vietnam War. In the space of just a few weeks, the Occupy movement transformed the political discourse in the United States. Where previously the media had been talking about the budget deficit and US credit rating, the Occupy movement suddenly propelled rising inequality and the power of Wall Street into the public debate.</p>
<p>But the revolutionary wave of 2011 did not culminate until October 15, when a global day of action called for by the Spanish <em>indignados</em> led to one of the largest transnational protests in world history. Sure, we had the demonstrations against the Iraq war in the early 2000s, but that was a single-issue protest that ended as soon as the invasion began. October 15 saw, for the first time in history, millions of people taking to the streets in 1,000+ cities in 82 countries demanding not just a change in policy, but a change in the very structure of the world system. Under the banner ‘<a href="http://15october.net/">United for Global Change</a>’, there were no demands upon those in power, only a powerful message: we have become a force to reckon with. What #15O showed us, is that our struggle truly <em>is </em>a global one.</p>
<p>But while the mainstream media has tended to explain these protests as a direct response to the global financial crisis, we can’t afford to lose perspective here. One very simple slogan of the <em>indignados</em> that I like very much is “no es una crisi – es el sistema”. In other words, we are not protesting the financial crisis; we are protesting the very system that gave rise to it in the first place. And as I highlighted before, the financial crisis is but the latest manifestation of a much deeper crisis that sees the destruction of our environment, the depletion of natural resources, the catastrophic destabilization of our climate, the unprecedented manmade extinction of millions of species, the sustained growth of inequality, the emergence of gated communities and shanty-towns, the precarity of labor, the commodification of education, culture and the arts, the growing sense of alienation, depression and despair, and so on – the list is endless. These tragedies are taking place not just in the crisis-stricken periphery of the eurozone; they are <em>everywhere</em>. There’s no greater illustration of this fact than the protests that rocked emerging economies like Chile, Israel, China and Nigeria over the course of the past year.</p>
<p>Chile, for instance, has long been the fastest growing economy in Latin America. Nominally, its GDP per capita is the highest in the region. As you may know, Chile was the very laboratory of neoliberal ideology in the late 1970s. After the democratically-elected communist President Salvador Allende was overthrown by the bloody CIA-assisted coup of Augusto Pinochet, a group of US-trained neoliberal economists, known the Chicago Boys, swooped in to advise the <em>junta</em> on radical free-market reforms that would later be replicated across the globe. The measures were eventually condensed into the so-called Washington Consensus, which was enforced by the IMF and World Bank with devastating consequences across the Global South. Today, these structural reforms are being imposed once again – in more or less the same form – on the debt-stricken European periphery.</p>
<p>Starting in May last year, Chile witnessed the outbreak of<em> </em>the biggest protests since the fall of the military dictatorship of Pinochet. Hundreds of thousands of students and sympathizers took to the streets and clashed with police to demand free and high-quality public education. Earlier this year, I was in Rome and had the opportunity to meet Camila Vallejo, one of the leaders of the Chilean student movement. And while I do not entirely share the 20th century symbolism and hierarchical organization of her Communist Party, hearing Camila speak was a very clear confirmation of the fact that the struggle of Chilean students – even though their country is not formally in ‘crisis’ – is ultimately about the same type of issues that are driving our struggles here in Europe and the US.</p>
<p>With the inhumane logic of the market pervading every single sphere of Chilean society, the privatization of university education has pushed tuition fees to such high levels that most families are either being forced to take on massive debt to send their children to university – or they are prized out of higher education altogether. But the issues go far beyond education alone. Chile is now the most unequal member of the OECD, something that is affecting lower and middle class households across the board. The next video I will show is a song by the Chilean rapper Ana Tijoux, whose Leftist parents escaped Chile to flee the Pinochet regime. The song – about the neoliberal shock doctrine that has been imposed upon the country – has become one of the anthems of the student movement.</p>
<p><iframe src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/177-s44MSVQ" frameborder="0" width="500" height="284"></iframe></p>
<p>In the meantime, a number of other so-called ‘emerging markets’ have been rocked by protests as well. Israel, for instance, has been recording steady growth levels even throughout the global economic downturn. Nevertheless, two decades of neoliberal reforms have pushed the country’s wealth into the hands of a tiny oligarchy of corrupt political, corporate and military elites, while the country was left with one of the highest poverty rates in the developed world. Israel now ranks just behind Chile and the United States as one of the most unequal countries in the OECD. As a result, in June last year, the country witnessed the outbreak of massive protests against the unaffordable cost of living – housing in particular – culminating into the single biggest demonstration in Israeli history: nearly half a million people took to the streets, and a leading commentator for <em>Haaretz</em> wrote of “a revolt by the middle class against the last three decades of extreme economic neoliberalism.”</p>
<p>Similar events have taken place in countries as far apart – both geographically and culturally – as China in Nigeria. In China, a peasant uprising in the village of Wukan saw local Party officials ousted from their offices by an angry mob after local officials conspired with real estate agencies to divvy up communal farm land for a handsome profit – a typical phenomenon in early capitalist development that Karl Marx called ‘primitive accumulation’. The Wukan uprising was remarkable only in the degree of success of the villagers, who managed to drive out party officials and temporarily establish a self-governing commune. But it is far from an isolated event. According to a study by two scholars from Nankai University, China experienced almost 90,000 such incidents in 2009 alone.</p>
<p>Earlier this year, Nigeria also experienced the emergence of a massive protest movement – quickly dubbed Occupy Nigeria – against corruption and the abolition of fuel subsidies. As a key oil and gas exporter, Nigeria is at the very crux of global capitalist development. Companies like Shell have a dark history of bribing local officials, hiring paramilitary death squads and causing massive oil leakages in the Niger Delta. In the meantime, Nigeria’s own oil is exported abroad for refinement and then imported back into the country for a much higher price. With Wall Street speculators driving up the price of commodities even further, fuel has become unaffordable for the average Nigerian – who has not benefited from the country’s spectacular growth levels <em>at all</em>. With the majority of the population living on less than $2 per day, it was a matter of time before people would take to the streets. This video, by the German-Nigerian singer Nneka, illustrates some of the deeper concerns over corruption and neo-colonialism that lie at the root of the Nigerian protests.</p>
<p><iframe src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/xkDgnVJa7SU" frameborder="0" width="500" height="284"></iframe></p>
<p><strong>Utopia Dawning on the Horizon</strong></p>
<p>On the eve of WWII, with the dark forces of fascism on the rise across the continent, the Italian philosopher and revolutionary Antonio Gramsci, locked up in one of Mussolini’s prisons, penned down a powerful observation. “The old world is dying,” he wrote, “and the new struggles to be born. Now is the time of monsters.” From Cairo to Oakland, from Athens to Santiago de Chile, and even here in Barcelona, where the police crackdown has been particularly hard-handed, these words once again ring true today. All of us hold our breath for tomorrow – and the future beyond it. No one knows what the attempted re-occupation of Plaza Catalunya and Puerta del Sol will bring. No one knows what this global spring of resistance will bring; let alone the years and decades that lie ahead. But one thing we know for sure: what happened in the squares and parks of the world last year has given us a glimpse into the world that awaits us. That is, <em>if</em> we are willing to fight for it.</p>
<p>The occupations at Sol, Syntagma and Zuccotti Park were like a globally interconnected web of tiny little Utopias. They were a whisper from the future; a reflection of the society we wish to create. A society without parties or leaders – where decisions affecting the community are taken collectively and on the basis of consensus. A society with neither wage slavery nor unemployment – where people choose their own type of work and are rewarded on the basis of need, not greed. A self-organized society based on horizontally-networked federation, without hierarchical structures of power or political representation. A society that does not atomize individuals, but that cherishes the idea of community, providing a sense of belonging and fulfillment while leaving individuals perfectly free to develop themselves physically, mentally and spiritually; to actualize their greatest potential and achieve a sense of internal peace and harmony. A society that cherishes culture and creativity, selflessness and solidarity. That is the world that was born in Sol, Syntagma and Plaza Catalunya – that is the vision that gives us hope.</p>
<p>Some may call us dreamers for pursuing such an idealized vision of society, but we know better. As the Greek resistance hero and anti-austerity campaigner Manolis Glezos told us in Athens last month, “the boat, before it was first built, was a Utopia; the airplane, before it was invented, was a Utopia; the satellite, before the first one was shot into space, was a Utopia. No one believed these Utopias were possible – until necessity made them reality.” Or, as Eduardo Galeano, the Uruguayan writer so poetically put it, “Utopia is on the horizon. Every step I take towards her, she takes a step back and the horizon runs ten steps further away. So what purpose does Utopia serve, then? Well, it serves the purpose of making us move forward.”</p>
<p>Ever since we were young, they told us there was no alternative; that the world was flat and a rising tide would lift all boats. But the rising tide was a deluge of debt, and the lifeboats have long since been replaced with the cold logic of the marketplace. As we stare into this ocean of despair, the endless struggle has become our only hope for a genuine alternative. When the system pushes ordinary people to become revolutionaries, you know you are no longer at the End of History – you are at the very edge of it.</p>
<p>Tonight, on the eve of a global day of action that will once again make the indignant roar of the people resonate across the globe, we must realize that our movement is part of this unique historic process. The occupations were only just the beginning.  Even if we manage to re-occupy the squares tomorrow, these camps are bound to fade with time. Another thing Manolis Glezos told us in Athens last month, is that the police crackdown on Syntagma Square was actually a good thing, for it forced the people back into their neighborhoods. What we saw in Syntagma, he said, was <em>not</em> direct democracy – it was a <em>lesson</em> in direct democracy. The end of the occupation allowed the people to return to their homes and start applying these lessons in their everyday lives. Or in the poetic words of another activist, Konstantinos, “imagine a tree; it was cut down right when it was blossoming, and as it fell down, the cool summer breeze took the seeds and planted them in all the squares and villages of Greece. Syntagma never died – it spread.”</p>
<p>To sustain our endless struggle, it is important to keep this global and historical perspective in mind. When the merchants and bankers of Venice, Florence and Genova started to defy the church and the aristocracy in the early 15th century, they had no idea that they were at the very edge of a historical process that – five centuries later – would culminate into the emergence of a globally-interconnected capitalist economy. Yet they completely revolutionized society and helped shape the system that we are trying to replace today. If we are to arise out of Tolstoy’s ‘fog of war’, we will have to learn from our adversaries and how their system came into existence to begin with. We can start by creating our own institutions and applying the lessons of direct democracy, horizontal decision-making, self-organization and mutual aid in our daily lives.</p>
<p>At times, we may lose this perspective and be overcome with self-doubt. We may be carried away with excitement and expect the world to change tomorrow – or we may become overly pessimistic in expecting it to never change at all. But even when the times may seem bleak; when it seems that our efforts may lead nowhere; when it seems that the repressive forces of capital and the state squash us underneath their boots; that internal divisions will tear us apart; and that the challenge of creating a better world is simply too Utopian and quixotic to begin with; even when we are about to lose all hope and give up this good fight, we have to realize that each and every single one of us has his or her role to play.</p>
<p>In this global revolution, we all have our place. None of us will triumph alone. Some of us may not even live to see the impact of our actions. But as long as we keep struggling, all of us can return to bed at night knowing that today we did everything we possibly could to make this world a better place. And then, when we rise in the morning to start it all over anew, each and every single one of us can look into the mirror and be proud of being part of the unique historical moment that we are living through. For “hope,” as the 19-year old Niki from Athens told us in an interview last month, “is last to die.”</p>
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		<title>INDISPENSABLE READS: Can the environment be &#8220;fixed&#8221;?</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/indispensable-reads-can-the-environment-be-fixed/</link>
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		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 16:45:56 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[ANNOTATED NEWS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CITIZEN TOOLS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[SAVING THE PLANET]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Climate Change; Environment; Global Warming; Hugh Hunt; Stratospheric Particle Injection for Climate Engineering (SPICE); Russell Seitz]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[ANNALS OF SCIENCE THE CLIMATE FIXERSThe New Yorker. Thank you, The New Yorker for publishing articles of this quality.Suggested by Gloria Stevenson  &#124; With select commentary threads Is there a technological solution to global warming? Geoengineering holds out the promise of artificially reversing recent climate trends, but it entails enormous risks.  by Michael Specter  MAY 14, 2012 [...]]]></description>
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<h4><span style="color: #888888;">ANNALS OF SCIENCE</span></h4>
<h1 id="articlehed"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva; color: #ff0000;"><span style="color: #008000;">THE CLIMATE FIXERS</span><br /><span style="font-size: 12px;"><a href="http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2012/05/14/120514fa_fact_specter?currentPage=all">The New Yorker</a>. <span style="color: #000000;">Thank you, The New Yorker for publishing articles of this quality.</span><br /><span style="color: #c0c0c0; font-family: verdana, geneva; font-size: 10px;">Suggested by Gloria Stevenson  | With select commentary threads</span></span></span></h1>
<h2 id="articleintro"><span style="color: #0000ff;"><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/eco-Bearohnoglobalwarming.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignleft size-medium wp-image-34524" style="border-image: initial; border-width: 1px; border-color: black; border-style: solid; margin: 4px;" title="eco-Bearohnoglobalwarming" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/eco-Bearohnoglobalwarming-208x300.jpg" alt="" width="208" height="300" /></a>Is there a technological solution to global warming?</span></h2>
<p><strong><span style="color: #0000ff;">Geoengineering holds out the promise of artificially reversing recent climate trends, but it entails enormous risks. </span></strong></p>
<p id="articleauthor"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva; color: #999999;"><strong>by <a href="http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/bios/michael_specter/search?contributorName=michael%20specter" rel="author"><span style="color: #999999;">Michael Specter</span></a>  MAY 14, 2012  |||  RELATED LINKS  <a href="http://www.newyorker.com/online/2012/05/14/120514on_audio_specter"><span style="color: #999999;">Audio: Michael Specter and Elizabeth Kolbert discuss geoengineering.</span></a></strong></span></p>
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<p>Late in the afternoon on April 2, 1991, Mt. Pinatubo, a volcano on the Philippine island of Luzon, began to rumble with a series of the powerful steam explosions that typically precede an eruption. Pinatubo had been dormant for more than four centuries, and in the volcanological world the mountain had become little more than a footnote. The tremors continued in a steady crescendo for the next two months, until June 15th, when the mountain exploded with enough force to expel molten lava at the speed of six hundred miles an hour. The lava flooded a two-hundred-and-fifty-square-mile area, requiring the evacuation of two hundred thousand people.<span id="more-34521"></span></p>
<p>Within hours, the plume of gas and ash had penetrated the stratosphere, eventually reaching an altitude of twenty-one miles. Three weeks later, an aerosol cloud had encircled the earth, and it remained for nearly two years. Twenty million metric tons of sulfur dioxide mixed with droplets of water, creating a kind of gaseous mirror, which reflected solar rays back into the sky. Throughout 1992 and 1993, the amount of sunlight that reached the surface of the earth was reduced by more than ten per cent.</p>
<p>The heavy industrial activity of the previous hundred years had caused the earth’s climate to warm by roughly three-quarters of a degree Celsius, helping to make the twentieth century the hottest in at least a thousand years. The eruption of Mt. Pinatubo, however, reduced global temperatures by nearly that much in a single year. It also disrupted patterns of precipitation throughout the planet. It is believed to have influenced events as varied as floods along the Mississippi River in 1993 and, later that year, the drought that devastated the African Sahel. Most people considered the eruption a calamity.</p>
<p>For geophysical scientists, though, Mt. Pinatubo provided the best model in at least a century to help us understand what might happen if humans attempted to ameliorate global warming by deliberately altering the climate of the earth.</p>
<p>For years, even to entertain the possibility of human intervention on such a scale—geoengineering, as the practice is known—has been denounced as hubris. Predicting long-term climatic behavior by using computer models has proved difficult, and the notion of fiddling with the planet’s climate based on the results generated by those models worries even scientists who are fully engaged in the research. “There will be no easy victories, but at some point we are going to have to take the facts seriously,’’ David Keith, a professor of engineering and public policy at Harvard and one of geoengineering’s most thoughtful supporters, told me. “Nonetheless,’’ he added, “it is hyperbolic to say this, but no less true: when you start to reflect light away from the planet, you can easily imagine a chain of events that would extinguish life on earth.”</p>
<p>There is only one reason to consider deploying a scheme with even a tiny chance of causing such a catastrophe: if the risks of not deploying it were clearly higher. No one is yet prepared to make such a calculation, but researchers are moving in that direction. To offer guidance, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (I.P.C.C.) has developed a series of scenarios on global warming. The cheeriest assessment predicts that by the end of the century the earth’s average temperature will rise between 1.1 and 2.9 degrees Celsius. A more pessimistic projection envisages a rise of between 2.4 and 6.4 degrees—far higher than at any time in recorded history. (There are nearly two degrees Fahrenheit in one degree Celsius. A rise of 2.4 to 6.4 degrees Celsius would equal 4.3 to 11.5 degrees Fahrenheit.) Until recently, climate scientists believed that a six-degree rise, the effects of which would be an undeniable disaster, was unlikely. But new data have changed the minds of many. Late last year, Fatih Birol, the chief economist for the International Energy Agency, said that current levels of consumption “put the world perfectly on track for a six-degree Celsius rise in temperature. . . . Everybody, even schoolchildren, knows this will have catastrophic implications for all of us.”</p>
<p>Tens of thousands of wildfires have already been attributed to warming, as have melting glaciers and rising seas. (The warming of the oceans is particularly worrisome; as Arctic ice melts, water that was below the surface becomes exposed to the sun and absorbs more solar energy, which leads to warmer oceans—a loop that could rapidly spin out of control.) Even a two-degree climb in average global temperatures could cause crop failures in parts of the world that can least afford to lose the nourishment. The size of deserts would increase, along with the frequency and intensity of wildfires. Deliberately modifying the earth’s atmosphere would be a desperate gamble with significant risks. Yet the more likely climate change is to cause devastation, the more attractive even the most perilous attempts to mitigate those changes will become.</p>
<p>“We don’t know how bad this is going to be, and we don’t know when it is going to get bad,’’ Ken Caldeira, a climate scientist with the Carnegie Institution, told me. In 2007, Caldeira was a principal contributor to an I.P.C.C. team that won a Nobel Peace Prize. “There are wide variations within the models,’’ he said. “But we had better get ready, because we are running rapidly toward a minefield. We just don’t know where the minefield starts, or how long it will be before we find ourselves in the middle of it.”</p>
<p>The Maldives, a string of islands off the coast of India whose highest point above sea level is eight feet, may be the first nation to drown. In Alaska, entire towns have begun to shift in the loosening permafrost. The Florida economy is highly dependent upon coastal weather patterns; the tide station at Miami Beach has registered an increase of seven inches since 1935, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. One Australian study, published this year in the journal <em>Nature Climate Change</em>, found that a two-degree Celsius rise in the earth’s temperature would be accompanied by a significant spike in the number of lives lost just in Brisbane. Many climate scientists say their biggest fear is that warming could melt the Arctic permafrost—which stretches for thousands of miles across Alaska, Canada, and Siberia. There is twice as much CO<sub>2</sub> locked beneath the tundra as there is in the earth’s atmosphere. Melting would release enormous stores of methane, a greenhouse gas nearly thirty times more potent than carbon dioxide. If that happens, as the hydrologist Jane C. S. Long told me when we met recently in her office at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory, “it’s game over.”</p>
<p>The Stratospheric Particle Injection for Climate Engineering project, or <small>SPICE</small>, is a British academic consortium that seeks to mimic the actions of volcanoes like Pinatubo by pumping particles of sulfur dioxide, or similar reflective chemicals, into the stratosphere through a twelve-mile-long pipe held aloft by a balloon at one end and tethered, at the other, to a boat anchored at sea.</p>
<p>The consortium consists of three groups. At Bristol University, researchers led by Matt Watson, a professor of geophysics, are trying to determine which particles would have the maximum desired impact with the smallest likelihood of unwanted side effects. Sulfur dioxide produces sulfuric acid, which destroys the ozone layer of the atmosphere; there are similar compounds that might work while proving less environmentally toxic—including synthetic particles that could be created specifically for this purpose. At Cambridge, Hugh Hunt and his team are trying to determine the best way to get those particles into the stratosphere. A third group, at Oxford, has been focussing on the effect such an intervention would likely have on the earth’s climate.</p>
<p>Hunt and I spoke in Cambridge, at Trinity College, where he is a professor of engineering and the Keeper of the Trinity College clock, a renowned timepiece that gains or loses less than a second a month. In his office, dozens of boomerangs dangle from the wall. When I asked about them, he grabbed one and hurled it at my head. “I teach three-dimensional dynamics,’’ he said, flicking his hand in the air to grab it as it returned. Hunt has devoted his intellectual life to the study of mechanical vibration. His Web page is filled with instructive videos about gyroscopes, rings wobbling down rods, and boomerangs.</p>
<p>“I like to demonstrate the way things spin,’’ he said, as he put the boomerang down and picked up an inflated pink balloon attached to a string. “The principle is pretty simple.” Holding the string, Hunt began to bobble the balloon as if it were being tossed by foul weather. “Everything is fine if it is sitting still,’’ he continued, holding the balloon steady. Then he began to wave his arm erratically. “One of the problems is that nothing is going to be still up there. It is going to be moving around. And the question we’ve got is . . . this pipe”—the industrial hose that will convey the particles into the sky—“is going to be under huge stressors.’’ He snapped the string connected to the balloon. “How do you know it’s not going to break? We are really pushing things to the limit in terms of their strength, so it is essential that we get the dynamics of motion right.’’</p>
<p>Most scientists, even those with no interest in personal publicity, are vigorous advocates for their own work. Not this group. “I don’t know how many times I have said this, but the last thing I would ever want is for the project I have been working on to be implemented,’’ Hunt said. “If we have to use these tools, it means something on this planet has gone seriously wrong.’’</p>
<p>Last fall, the <small>SPICE</small> team decided to conduct a brief and uncontroversial pilot study. At least they thought it would be uncontroversial. To demonstrate how they would disperse the sulfur dioxide, they had planned to float a balloon over Norfolk, at an altitude of a kilometre, and send a hundred and fifty litres of water into the air through a hose. After the date and time of the test was announced, in the middle of September, more than fifty organizations signed a petition objecting to the experiment, in part because they fear that even to consider engineering the climate would provide politicians with an excuse for avoiding tough decisions on reducing greenhouse-gas emissions. Opponents of the water test pointed out the many uncertainties in the research (which is precisely why the team wanted to do the experiment). The British government decided to put it off for at least six months.</p>
<p>“When people say we shouldn’t even explore this issue, it scares me,’’ Hunt said. He pointed out that carbon emissions are heavy, and finding a place to deposit them will not be easy. “Roughly speaking, the CO<sub>2</sub> we generate weighs three or four times as much as the fuel it comes from.” That means that a short round-trip journey—say, eight hundred miles—by car, using two tanks of gas, produces three hundred kilograms of CO<sub>2</sub>. “This is ten heavy suitcases from one short trip,’’ Hunt said. “And you have to store it where it can’t evaporate.</p>
<p>“So I have three questions, Where are you going to put it? Who are you going to ask to dispose of this for you? And how much are you reasonably willing to pay them to do it?” he continued. “There is nobody on this planet who can answer any of those questions. There is no established place or technique, and nobody has any idea what it would cost. And we need the answers now.”</p>
<p>Hunt stood up, walked slowly to the window, and gazed at the manicured Trinity College green. “I know this is all unpleasant,’’ he said. “Nobody wants it, but nobody wants to put high doses of poisonous chemicals into their body, either. That is what chemotherapy is, though, and for people suffering from cancer those poisons are often their only hope. Every day, tens of thousands of people take them willingly—because they are very sick or dying. This is how I prefer to look at the possibility of engineering the climate. It isn’t a cure for anything. But it could very well turn out to be the least bad option we are going to have.’’</p>
<p>The notion of modifying the weather dates back at least to the eighteen-thirties, when the American meteorologist James Pollard Espy became known as the Storm King, for his (prescient but widely ridiculed) proposals to stimulate rain by selectively burning forests. More recently, the U.S. government project Stormfury attempted for decades to lessen the force of hurricanes by seeding them with silver iodide. And in 2008 Chinese soldiers fired more than a thousand rockets filled with chemicals at clouds over Beijing to prevent them from raining on the Olympics. The relationship between carbon emissions and the earth’s temperature has been clear for more than a century: in 1908, the Swedish scientist Svante Arrhenius suggested that burning fossil fuels might help prevent the coming ice age. In 1965, President Lyndon Johnson received a report from his Science Advisory Committee, titled “Restoring the Quality of Our Environment,” that noted for the first time the potential need to balance increased greenhouse-gas emissions by “raising the albedo, or the reflectivity, of the earth.” The report suggested that such a change could be achieved by spreading small reflective particles over large parts of the ocean.</p>
<p>While such tactics could clearly fail, perhaps the greater concern is what might happen if they succeeded in ways nobody had envisioned. Injecting sulfur dioxide, or particles that perform a similar function, would rapidly lower the temperature of the earth, at relatively little expense—most estimates put the cost at less than ten billion dollars a year. But it would do nothing to halt ocean acidification, which threatens to destroy coral reefs and wipe out an enormous number of aquatic species. The risks of reducing the amount of sunlight that reaches the atmosphere on that scale would be as obvious—and immediate—as the benefits. If such a program were suddenly to fall apart, the earth would be subjected to extremely rapid warming, with nothing to stop it. And while such an effort would cool the globe, it might do so in ways that disrupt the behavior of the Asian and African monsoons, which provide the water that billions of people need to drink and to grow their food.</p>
<p>“Geoengineering” actually refers to two distinct ideas about how to cool the planet. The first, solar-radiation management, focusses on reducing the impact of the sun. Whether by seeding clouds, spreading giant mirrors in the desert, or injecting sulfates into the stratosphere, most such plans seek to replicate the effects of eruptions like Mt. Pinatubo’s. The other approach is less risky, and involves removing carbon directly from the atmosphere and burying it in vast ocean storage beds or deep inside the earth. But without a significant technological advance such projects will be expensive and may take many years to have any significant effect.</p>
<p>There are dozens of versions of each scheme, and they range from plausible to absurd. There have been proposals to send mirrors, sunshades, and parasols into space. Recently, the scientific entrepreneur Nathan Myhrvold, whose company Intellectual Ventures has invested in several geoengineering ideas, said that we could cool the earth by stirring the seas. He has proposed deploying a million plastic tubes, each about a hundred metres long, to roil the water, which would help it trap more CO<sub>2</sub>. “The ocean is this giant heat sink,’’ he told me. “But it is very cold. The bottom is nearly freezing. If you just stirred the ocean more, you could absorb the excess CO<sub>2</sub> and keep the planet cold.” (This is not as crazy as it sounds. In the center of the ocean, wind-driven currents bring fresh water to the surface, so stirring the ocean could transform it into a well-organized storage depot. The new water would absorb more carbon while the old water carried the carbon it has already captured into the deep.)</p>
<p>The Harvard physicist Russell Seitz wants to create what amounts to a giant oceanic bubble bath: bubbles trap air, which brightens them enough to reflect sunlight away from the surface of the earth. Another tactic would require maintaining a fine spray of seawater—the world’s biggest fountain—which would mix with salt to help clouds block sunlight.</p>
<p>The best solution, nearly all scientists agree, would be the simplest: stop burning fossil fuels, which would reduce the amount of carbon we dump into the atmosphere. That fact has been emphasized in virtually every study that addresses the potential effect of climate change on the earth—and there have been many—but none have had a discernible impact on human behavior or government policy. Some climate scientists believe we can accommodate an atmosphere with concentrations of carbon dioxide that are twice the levels of the preindustrial era—about five hundred and fifty parts per million. Others have long claimed that global warming would become dangerous when atmospheric concentrations of carbon rose above three hundred and fifty parts per million. We passed that number years ago. After a decline in 2009, which coincided with the harsh global recession, carbon emissions soared by six per cent in 2010—the largest increase ever recorded. On average, in the past decade, fossil-fuel emissions grew at about three times the rate of growth in the nineteen-nineties.</p>
<p>Although the I.P.C.C., along with scores of other scientific bodies, has declared that the warming of the earth is unequivocal, few countries have demonstrated the political will required to act—perhaps least of all the United States, which consumes more energy than any nation other than China, and, last year, more than it ever had before. The Obama Administration has failed to pass any meaningful climate legislation. Mitt Romney, the presumptive Republican nominee, has yet to settle on a clear position. Last year, he said he believed the world was getting warmer—and humans were a cause. By October, he had retreated. “My view is that we don’t know what is causing climate change on this planet,” he said, adding that spending huge sums to try to reduce CO<sub>2</sub> emissions “is not the right course for us.” China, which became the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases several years ago, constructs a new coal-burning power plant nearly every week. With each passing year, goals become exponentially harder to reach, and global reductions along the lines suggested by the I.P.C.C. seem more like a “pious wish,” to use the words of the Dutch chemist Paul Crutzen, who in 1995 received a Nobel Prize for his work on ozone depletion.</p>
<p>“Most nations now recognize the need to shift to a low-carbon economy, and nothing should divert us from the main priority of reducing global greenhouse gas emissions,’’ Lord Rees of Ludlow wrote in his 2009 forward to a highly influential report on geoengineering released by the Royal Society, Britain’s national academy of sciences. “But if such reductions achieve too little, too late, there will surely be pressure to consider a ‘plan B’—to seek ways to counteract climatic effects of green-house gas emissions.’’</p>
<p>While that pressure is building rapidly, some climate activists oppose even holding discussions about a possible Plan B, arguing, as the Norfolk protesters did in September, that it would be perceived as indirect permission to abandon serious efforts to cut emissions. Many people see geoengineering as a false solution to an existential crisis—akin to encouraging a heart-attack patient to avoid exercise and continue to gobble fatty food while simply doubling his dose of Lipitor. “The scientist’s focus on tinkering with our entire planetary system is not a dynamic new technological and scientific frontier, but an expression of political despair,” Doug Parr, the chief scientist at Greenpeace UK, has written.</p>
<p>During the 1974 Mideast oil crisis, the American engineer Hewitt Crane, then working at S.R.I. International, realized that standard measurements for sources of energy—barrels of oil, tons of coal, gallons of gas, British thermal units—were nearly impossible to compare. At a time when these commodities were being rationed, Crane wondered how people could conserve resources if they couldn’t even measure them. The world was burning through twenty-three thousand gallons of oil every second. It was an astonishing figure, but one that Crane had trouble placing into any useful context.</p>
<p>Crane devised a new measure of energy consumption: a three-dimensional unit he called a cubic mile of oil. One cubic mile of oil would fill a pool that was a mile long, a mile wide, and a mile deep. Today, it takes three cubic miles’ worth of fossil fuels to power the world for a year. That’s a trillion gallons of gas. To replace just one of those cubic miles with a source of energy that will not add carbon dioxide to the atmosphere—nuclear power, for instance—would require the construction of a new atomic plant every week for fifty years; to switch to wind power would mean erecting thousands of windmills each month. It is hard to conceive of a way to replace that much energy with less dramatic alternatives. It is also impossible to talk seriously about climate change without talking about economic development. Climate experts have argued that we ought to stop emitting greenhouse gases within fifty years, but by then the demand for energy could easily be three times what it is today: nine cubic miles of oil.</p>
<p>The planet is getting richer as well as more crowded, and the pressure to produce more energy will become acute long before the end of the century. Predilections of the rich world—constant travel, industrial activity, increasing reliance on meat for protein—require enormous physical resources. Yet many people still hope to solve the problem of climate change just by eliminating greenhouse-gas emissions. “When people talk about bringing emissions to zero, they are talking about something that will never happen,’’ Ken Caldeira told me. “Because that would require a complete alteration in the way humans are built.”</p>
<p>Caldeira began researching geoengineering almost by accident. For much of his career, he has focussed on the implications of ocean acidification. During the nineteen-nineties, he spent a year in the Soviet Union, at the Leningrad lab of Mikhail Budyko, who is considered the founder of physical climatology. It was Budyko, in the nineteen-sixties, who first suggested cooling the earth by putting sulfur particles in the sky.</p>
<p>“In the nineteen-nineties, when I was working at Livermore, we had a meeting in Aspen to discuss the scale of the energy-system transformation needed in order to address the climate problem,’’ Caldeira said. “Among the people who attended was Lowell Wood, a protégé of Edward Teller. Wood is a brilliant but sometimes erratic man . . . lots of ideas, some better than others.” At Aspen, Wood delivered a talk on geoengineering. In the presentation, he explained, as he has many times since, that shielding the earth properly could deflect one or two per cent of the sunlight that reaches the atmosphere. That, he said, would be all it would take to counter the worst effects of warming.</p>
<p>David Keith was in the audience with Caldeira that day in Aspen. Keith now splits his time between Harvard and Calgary, where he runs Carbon Engineering, a company that is developing new technology to capture CO<sub>2</sub> from the atmosphere—at a cost that he believes would make it sensible to do so. At the time, though, both men considered Wood’s idea ridiculous. “We said this will never happen,’’ Caldeira recalled. “We were so certain Wood was nuts, because we assumed you can change the global mean temperature, but you will still get seasonal and regional patterns you can’t correct. We were in the back of the room, and neither of us could believe it.”</p>
<p>Caldeira decided to prove his point by running a computer simulation of Wood’s approach. Scenarios for future climate change are almost always developed using powerful three-dimensional models of the earth and its atmosphere. They tend to be most accurate when estimating large numbers, like average global temperatures. Local and regional weather patterns are more difficult to predict, as anyone who has relied on a five-day weather forecast can understand. Still, in 1998 Caldeira tested the idea, and, “much to my surprise, it seemed to work and work well,” he told me. It turned out that reducing sunlight offset the effect of CO<sub>2</sub> both regionally and seasonally. Since then, his results have been confirmed by several other groups.</p>
<p>Recently, Caldeira and colleagues at Carnegie and Stanford set out to examine whether the techniques of solar-radiation management would disrupt the sensitive agricultural balance on which the earth depends. Using two models, they simulated climates with carbon-dioxide levels similar to those which exist today. They then doubled those concentrations to reflect levels that would be likely in several decades if current trends continue unabated. Finally, in a third set of simulations, they doubled the CO<sub>2</sub> in the atmosphere, but added a layer of sulfate aerosols to the stratosphere, which would deflect about two per cent of incoming sunlight from the earth. The data were then applied to crop models that are commonly used to project future yields. Again, the results were unexpected.</p>
<p>Farm productivity, on average, went up. The models suggested that precipitation would increase in the northern and middle latitudes, and crop yields would grow. In the tropics, though, the results were significantly different. There heat stress would increase, and yields would decline. “Climate change is not so much a reduction in productivity as a redistribution,’’ Caldeira said. “And it is one in which the poorest people on earth get hit the hardest and the rich world benefits”—a phenomenon, he added, that is not new.</p>
<p>“I have two perspectives on what this might mean,’’ he said. “One says: humans are like rats or cockroaches. We are already living from the equator to the Arctic Circle. The weather has already become .7 degrees warmer, and barely anyone has noticed or cares. And, yes, the coral reefs might become extinct, and people from the Seychelles might go hungry. But they have gone hungry in the past, and nobody cared. So basically we will live in our gated communities, and we will have our TV shows and Chicken McNuggets, and we will be O.K. The people who would suffer are the people who always suffer.</p>
<p>“There is another way to look at this, though,’’ he said. “And that is to compare it to the subprime-mortgage crisis, where you saw that a few million bad mortgages led to a five-per-cent drop in gross domestic product throughout the world. Something that was a relatively small knock to the financial system led to a global crisis. And that could certainly be the case with climate change. But five per cent is an interesting figure, because in the Stern Report’’—an often cited review led by the British economist Nicholas Stern, which signalled the alarm about greenhouse-gas emissions by focussing on economics—“they estimated climate change would cost the world five per cent of its G.D.P. Most economists say that solving this problem is one or two per cent of G.D.P. The Clean Water and Clean Air Acts each cost about one per cent of G.D.P.,” Caldeira continued. “We just had a much worse shock to our banking system. And it didn’t even get us to reform the economy in any significant way. So why is the threat of a five-per-cent hit from climate change going to get us to transform the energy system?”</p>
<p>Solar-radiation management, which most reports have agreed is technologically feasible, would provide, at best, a temporary solution to rapid warming—a treatment but not a cure. There are only two ways to genuinely solve the problem: by drastically reducing emissions or by removing the CO<sub>2</sub> from the atmosphere. Trees do that every day. They “capture” carbon dioxide in their leaves, metabolize it in the branch system, and store it in their roots. But to do so on a global scale would require turning trillions of tons of greenhouse-gas emissions into a substance that could be stored cheaply and easily underground or in ocean beds.</p>
<p>Until recently, the costs of removing carbon from the atmosphere on that scale have been regarded by economists as prohibitive. CO<sub>2</sub> needs to be heated in order to be separated out; using current technology, the expense would rival that of creating an entirely new energy system. Typically, power plants release CO<sub>2</sub> into the atmosphere through exhaust systems referred to as flues. The most efficient way we have now to capture CO<sub>2</sub> is to remove it from flue gas as the emissions escape. Over the past five years, several research groups—one of which includes David Keith’s company, Carbon Engineering, in Calgary—have developed new techniques to extract carbon from the atmosphere, at costs that may make it economically feasible on a larger scale.</p>
<p>Early this winter, I visited a demonstration project on the campus of S.R.I. International, the Menlo Park institution that is a combination think tank and technological incubator. The project, built by Global Thermostat, looked like a very high-tech elevator or an awfully expensive math problem. “When I called chemical engineers and said I want to do this on a planetary scale, they laughed,’’ Peter Eisenberger, Global Thermostat’s president, told me. In 1996, Eisenberger was appointed the founding director of the Earth Institute, at Columbia University, where he remains a professor of earth and environmental sciences. Before that, he spent a decade running the materials research institute at Princeton University, and nearly as much time at Exxon, in charge of research and development. He believes he has developed a system to capture CO<sub>2</sub> from the atmosphere at low heat and potentially at low cost.</p>
<p>The trial project is essentially a five-story brick edifice specially constructed to function like a honeycomb. Global Thermostat coats the bricks with chemicals called amines to draw CO<sub>2</sub> from the air and bind with it. The carbon dioxide is then separated with a proprietary method that uses low-temperature heat—something readily available for free, since it is a waste product of many power plants. “Using low-temperature heat changes the equation,’’ Eisenberger said. He is an excitable man with the enthusiasm of a graduate student and the manic gestures of an orchestra conductor. He went on to explain that the amine coating on the bricks binds the CO<sub>2</sub> at the molecular level, and the amount it can capture depends on the surface area; honeycombs provide the most surface space possible per square metre.</p>
<p>There are two groups of honey-combs that sit on top of each other. As Eisenberger pointed out, “You can only absorb so much CO<sub>2</sub> at once, so when the honeycomb is full it drops into a lower section.” Steam heats and releases the CO<sub>2</sub>—and the honeycomb rises again. (Currently, carbon dioxide is used commercially in carbonated beverages, brewing, and pneumatic drying systems for packaged food. It is also used in welding. Eisenberger argues that, ideally, carbon waste would be recycled to create an industrial form of photosynthesis, which would help reduce our dependence on fossil fuels.)</p>
<p>Unlike some other scientists engaged in geoengineering, Eisenberger is not bothered by the notion of tinkering with nature. “We have devised a system that introduces no additional threats into the environment,’’ he told me. “And the idea of interfering with benign nature is ridiculous. The Bambi view of nature is totally false. Nature is violent, amoral, and nihilistic. If you look at the history of this planet, you will see cycles of creation and destruction that would offend our morality as human beings. But somehow, because it’s ‘nature,’ it’s supposed to be fine.’’ Eisenberger founded and runs Global Thermostat with Graciela Chichilnisky, an Argentine economist who wrote the plan, adopted in 2005, for the international carbon market that emerged from the Kyoto Climate talks. Edgar Bronfman, Jr., an heir to the Seagram fortune, is Global Thermostat’s biggest investor. (The company is one of the finalists for Richard Branson’s Virgin Earth Challenge prize. In 2007, Branson offered a cash prize of twenty-five million dollars to anyone who could devise a process that would drain large quantities of greenhouse gases from the atmosphere.)</p>
<p>“What is fascinating for me is the way the innovation process has changed,’’ Eisenberger said. “In the past, somebody would make a discovery in a laboratory and say, ‘What can I do with this?’ And now we ask, ‘What do we want to design?,’ because we believe there is powerful enough knowledge to do it. That is what my partner and I did.” The pilot, which began running last year, works on a very small scale, capturing about seven hundred tons of CO<sub>2</sub> a year. (By comparison, an automobile puts out about six tons a year.) Eisenberger says that it is important to remember that it took more than a century to assemble the current energy system: coal and gas plants, factories, and the worldwide transportation network that has been responsible for depositing trillions of tons of CO<sub>2</sub> into the atmosphere. “We are not going to get it all out of the atmosphere in twenty years,’’ he said. “It will take at least thirty years to do this, but if we start now that is plenty of time. You would just need a source of low-temperature heat—factories anywhere in the world are ideal.” He envisions a network of twenty thousand such devices scattered across the planet. Each would cost about a hundred million dollars—a two-trillion-dollar investment spread out over three decades.</p>
<p>“There is a strong history of the system refusing to accept something new,” Eisenberger said. “People say I am nuts. But it would be surprising if people didn’t call me crazy. Look at the history of innovation! If people don’t call you nuts, then you are doing something wrong.”</p>
<p>After leaving Eisenberger’s demonstration project, I spoke with Curtis Carlson, who, for more than a decade, has been the chairman and chief executive officer of S.R.I. and a leading voice on the future of American innovation. “These geoengineering methods will not be implemented for decades—or ever,” he said. Nonetheless, scientists worry that if methane emissions from the Arctic increase as rapidly as some of the data now suggest, climate intervention isn’t going to be an option. It’s going to be a requirement. “When and where do we have the serious discussion about how to intervene?” Carlson asked. “There are no agreed-upon rules or criteria. There isn’t even a body that could create the rules.”</p>
<p>Over the past three years, a series of increasingly urgent reports—from the Royal Society, in the U.K., the Washington-based Bipartisan Policy Center, and the Government Accountability Office, among other places—have practically begged decision-makers to begin planning for a world in which geoengineering might be their only recourse. As one recent study from the Wilson International Center for Scholars concluded, “At the very least, we need to learn what approaches to avoid even if desperate.”</p>
<p>The most environmentally sound approach to geoengineering is the least palatable politically. “If it becomes necessary to ring the planet with sulfates, why would you do that all at once?’’ Ken Caldeira asked. “If the total amount of climate change that occurs could be neutralized by one Mt. Pinatubo, then doesn’t it make sense to add one per cent this year, two per cent next year, and three per cent the year after that?’’ he said. “Ramp it up slowly, throughout the century, and that way we can monitor what is happening. If we see something at one per cent that seems dangerous, we can easily dial it back. But who is going to do that when we don’t have a visible crisis? Which politician in which country?’’</p>
<p>Unfortunately, the least risky approach politically is also the most dangerous: do nothing until the world is faced with a cataclysm and then slip into a frenzied crisis mode. The political implications of any such action would be impossible to overstate. What would happen, for example, if one country decided to embark on such a program without the agreement of other countries? Or if industrialized nations agreed to inject sulfur particles into the stratosphere and accidentally set off a climate emergency that caused drought in China, India, or Africa?</p>
<p>“Let’s say the Chinese government decides their monsoon strength, upon which hundreds of millions of people rely for sustenance, is weakening,” Caldeira said. “They have reason to believe that making clouds right near the ocean might help, and they started to do that, and the Indians found out and believed—justifiably or not—that it would make their monsoon worse. What happens then? Where do we go to discuss that? We have no mechanism to settle that dispute.”</p>
<p>Most estimates suggest that it could cost a few billion dollars a year to scatter enough sulfur particles in the atmosphere to change the weather patterns of the planet. At that price, any country, most groups, and even some individuals could afford to do it. The technology is open and available—and that makes it more like the Internet than like a national weapons program. The basic principles are widely published; the intellectual property behind nearly every technique lies in the public domain. If the Maldives wanted to send airplanes into the stratosphere to scatter sulfates, who could stop them?</p>
<p>“The odd thing here is that this is a democratizing technology,’’ Nathan Myhrvold told me. “Rich, powerful countries might have invented much of it, but it will be there for anyone to use. People get themselves all balled up into knots over whether this can be done unilaterally or by one group or one nation. Well, guess what. We decide to do much worse than this every day, and we decide unilaterally. We are polluting the earth unilaterally. Whether it’s life-taking decisions, like wars, or something like a trade embargo, the world is about people taking action, not agreeing to take action. And, frankly, the Maldives could say, ‘Fuck you all—we want to stay alive.’ Would you blame them? Wouldn’t any reasonable country do the same?” ♦</p>
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		<title>OpEds: The Obama campaign and “vampire” capitalists</title>
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		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 16:23:02 +0000</pubDate>
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		<description><![CDATA[By Patrick Martin, WSWS.ORG With a display of cynicism that is hard to top, the Obama reelection campaign on Monday launched a public attack on Republican Mitt Romney’s role as a job-destroying asset stripper at Bain Capital, the same day that Obama raised more than $2 million from equally rapacious private equity sharks at a [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span style="color: #ff0000;"><strong>By Patrick Martin, <a href="http://www.wsws.org/"><span style="color: #ff0000;">WSWS.ORG</span></a></strong></span></p>
<p><div id="attachment_34517" class="wp-caption alignnone" style="width: 260px"><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/romneyBW.jpeg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="size-full wp-image-34517" title="romneyBW" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/romneyBW.jpeg" alt="" width="250" height="202" /></a><p class="wp-caption-text">The scoundrel Mitt Romney.  Set to run against Obama—a similar scoundrel who &quot;denounces&quot; but also defends and takes money from the Wall Street social criminals. </p></div>
<p>With a display of cynicism that is hard to top, the Obama reelection campaign on Monday launched a public attack on Republican Mitt Romney’s role as a job-destroying asset stripper at Bain Capital, the same day that Obama raised more than $2 million from equally rapacious private equity sharks at a reception in New York City.</p>
<p>The Obama campaign released a two-minute advertisement that will run in five closely contested states—Colorado, Iowa, Ohio, Pennsylvania and Virginia—beginning Wednesday. It focuses on Bain Capital’s 1993 purchase and eventual closure of a steel mill in Kansas City, Missouri.<span id="more-34516"></span></p>
<p>The company, GST Steel, went bankrupt in 2001 and was closed down, with all 750 workers losing their jobs, while Bain walked away with a $12 million profit. One of the fired steelworkers interviewed for the Obama commercial calls Bain a “vampire” that “came in and sucked the life out of us.”</p>
<p>This description of Romney—CEO of Bain Capital at the time of the takeover—is certainly appropriate. But the term “vampire” could be applied with equal justice to most of those who gathered at the Manhattan home of Hamilton “Tony” James, president of Blackstone Group, a private equity firm that dwarfs Bain Capital in size and destructiveness.</p>
<p>Sixty people from Wall Street attended and donated $35,800 each to the Obama reelection campaign and the Democratic National Committee, for a total of more than $2 million.</p>
<p>Romney’s record at Bain Capital is a demonstration of the parasitic role of finance capital, which mobilizes vast resources to take over, reorganize and downsize companies. It is part of a process, extending over more than three decades, in which Wall Street has garnered an ever-larger share of corporate profits through financial manipulations unrelated and inimical to the development of the productive forces.</p>
<p>The Obama campaign’s critique of Romney is completely hypocritical, however, since the Democratic Party is just as beholden to the financial aristocracy as the Republicans. As deputy campaign manager Stephanie Cutter told the <em>Wall Street Journal,</em> in attacking Romney, Obama was not “questioning private equity as a whole.”</p>
<p>Blackstone Group is a good example. Its co-founders, Steven Schwartzman and Peter Peterson, amassed personal fortunes far in excess of Romney’s. They garnered $3 billion to $4 billion each, compared to $250 million for the former Massachusetts governor. Not only is Blackstone a far more influential player on Wall Street, its top executives wield a vast, and reactionary, influence in Washington.</p>
<p>Peterson in particular has long been identified with the program of budgetary austerity, focused on massive cuts in social spending, including entitlement programs like Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid. He has personally funded Washington think tanks to develop policy recommendations along these lines and lobby for them among Democratic and Republican politicians.</p>
<p>The Wall Street fundraiser Monday night came only hours after Obama offered his personal endorsement of the performance of JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon, after the Wall Street bank acknowledged a $2 billion loss from speculative trades in derivatives by its London office. “JPMorgan is one of the best managed banks there is,” Obama gushed. “Jamie Dimon, the head of it, is one of the smartest bankers we’ve got.”</p>
<p>Obama tapped another key figure in private equity, Steven Rattner, to serve as his auto industry czar, overseeing the bankruptcy reorganization of General Motors and Chrysler that restored the two companies to profitability at the expense of the jobs, living standards, health benefits and pensions of auto workers and retirees. The auto bailout centered on an across-the-board 50 percent cut in starting pay for new-hires that set the pace for wage-cutting throughout American industry.</p>
<p>Rattner publicly criticized as “unfair” the Obama campaign ad attacking Romney and Bain Capital. “Bain Capital’s responsibility was not to create 100,000 jobs or some other number. It was to create profits for its investors,” Rattner said. “I don’t think there’s anything Bain Capital did that they need to be embarrassed about.”</p>
<p>The demagogic claims of Obama and the Democrats to defend the interests of “working families” and “Main Street” against Wall Street are absurd on their face. As they collect cash from the likes of Blackstone and issue fawning tributes to social criminals like Jamie Dimon, one can only say: by their friends ye shall know them.</p>
<p><span style="color: #003366;">Patrick Martin is a perceptive political analyst with the WSWS.ORG, a socialist organization. </span></p>
<p><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/TGPAdhalfsize.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="wp-image-30965 alignleft" style="border: 2px solid black;" title="TGPAdhalfsize" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/TGPAdhalfsize.jpg" alt="" width="132" height="164" /></a></p>
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<p style="text-align: center;">_________________________________________________________<span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">______________________</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;">¶</p>
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<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">IF YOU CAN&#8217;T SEND A DONATION, NO MATTER HOW SMALL, AND YOU THINK THIS PUBLICATION IS WORTH SUPPORTING, AT LEAST HELP <a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/">THE GREANVILLE</a> POST EXPAND ITS INFLUENCE BY MENTIONING IT TO YOUR FRIENDS VIA TWEET OR OTHER SOCIAL NETWORKS! <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">We are in a battle of communications with entrenched enemies that won&#8217;t stop until this world is destroyed and our remaining democratic rights stamped out. Only mass education and mobilization can stop this process. </span></span></strong></span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;"><span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">It&#8217;s really up to you. </span> <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">Do your part while you can.</span> </span></strong></span><span style="color: #000000;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">••• </span></strong></span></span></span></p>
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		<title>We Could Be Heroes &#8211; NY Times online edition  [VIDEO, too]</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/we-could-be-heroes-ny-times-online-edition-video-too/</link>
		<comments>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/we-could-be-heroes-ny-times-online-edition-video-too/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 14:37:07 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[ANNOTATED NEWS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[BATTLE OF COMMUNICATIONS]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[CULTURE & CRITICISM]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[SAVING THE PLANET]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[eating meat]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[GREENHOUSE GASES]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[May 15, 2012, 9:00 PM Editor&#8217;s Note: We could not commend Mark Bittman enough for raising his voice in connection with this critical issue. We only wish the big engines of mass communications—American television—paid attention to this kind of topic instead of squandering its time on the usual nonsense. The New York Times is not above [...]]]></description>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">May 15, 2012, <em>9:00 PM</em></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: 12px;">Editor&#8217;s Note: We could not commend Mark Bittman enough for raising his voice in connection with this critical issue. We only wish the big engines of mass communications—American television—paid attention to this kind of topic instead of squandering its time on the usual nonsense. The New York Times is not above reproach, especially in matters of foreign policy, but at least they allow a voice like Bittman to be heard. For that we say, thank you New York Times. —PG</span></span></p>
<p><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/MarkBittman.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignnone size-full wp-image-34511" title="MarkBittman" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/MarkBittman.jpg" alt="" width="533" height="307" /></a></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>By </strong><strong><a title="See all posts by MARK BITTMAN" href="http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/author/mark-bittman/">MARK BITTMAN</a></strong></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><a href="http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/category/mark-bittman/"><strong>Mark Bittman</strong></a><strong> on food and all things related.<br /><span style="color: #808080; font-family: verdana, geneva; font-size: 10px;">Suggested by Gloria Stevenson </span></strong></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>A few weeks ago, in “The Ethicist,” Ariel Kaminer asked readers of this paper’s Magazine to explain </strong><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/25/magazine/tell-us-why-its-ethical-to-eat-meat-a-contest.html"><strong>why it’s ethical to eat meat</strong></a><strong>. The contest generated around 3,000 submissions, and as a judge I read about 30 of them. (Here are </strong><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/06/magazine/the-winner-of-our-contest-on-the-ethics-of-eating-meat.html?_r=1&amp;src=rechp"><strong>the responses from the winner and the finalists</strong></a><strong>.)</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>A fascinating discussion. But you need not have a philosophy about meat-eating to understand that we — Americans, that is — need to do less of it. In fact, only if meat were produced at no or little expense to the environment, public health or animal welfare (as, arguably, some of it is), would our decisions about whether to raise and kill animals for food come down to ethics.<span id="more-34510"></span></strong></span></p>
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<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>The purely pragmatic reasons to eat less meat (and animal products in general) are abundant. And while I’ve addressed them </strong><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2008/01/27/weekinreview/27bittman.html?pagewanted=all"><strong>before</strong></a><strong>, I’ll continue until the floods come to Manhattan.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>Five years ago, the United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization published a report called “</strong><a href="http://www.fao.org/docrep/010/a0701e/a0701e00.HTM"><strong>Livestock’s Long Shadow</strong></a><strong>,” which maintained that 18 percent of greenhouse gases were attributable to the raising of animals for food. The number was startling.</strong></span></p>
<p>A couple of years later, however, it was suggested that the number was too small. Two environmental specialists for the World Bank, Robert Goodland (the bank’s former lead environmental adviser) and Jeff Anhang, claimed, in <a href="http://www.worldwatch.org/files/pdf/Livestock%20and%20Climate%20Change.pdf"><strong>an article in World Watch, that the number was more like 51 percent</strong></a><strong>. It’s been suggested that that number is extreme, but the men stand by it, as Mr. Goodland wrote to me this week: “All that greenhouse gas isn’t emitted directly by animals.  ”But according to the most widely-used rules of counting greenhouse gases, indirect emissions should be counted when they are large and when something can be done to mitigate or reduce them.”</strong></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>The exact number doesn’t matter. What does is that few people take the role of livestock in producing greenhouse gases seriously enough. Even most climate change experts focus on new forms of energy — which cannot possibly be effective quickly enough or produced on a broad enough scale to avert what may be the coming catastrophe — and often ignore the much easier fix of adjusting our eating habits.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>It’s good that </strong><a href="http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/05/15/2012/01/10/were-eating-less-meat-why/"><strong>we’re eating somewhat less meat</strong></a><strong>, but it still amounts to something just shy of  a staggering 200 pounds per person per year. And no matter how that number changes domestically, on the world scale there’s troubling movement in the wrong direction. Meat consumption in China </strong><a href="http://www.earth-policy.org/plan_b_updates/2012/update102"><strong>is now twice</strong></a><strong> what it is in the United States (in 1978 it was only one-third). We still eat twice as much per capita as the Chinese, but when they catch up they’ll consume more than four times as much as we do.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>But the Chinese don’t need to eat like us; we need to eat like them. Or, rather, like they did until recently.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>If you believe that earth’s natural resources are limitless, which maybe was excusable 100 years ago but is the height of ignorance now,  or that “technology will fix it” or that we can simply go mine them in outer space with Newt Gingrich, I guess none of this worries you. But if you believe in reality, and you’d like that to be a place that your kids get to enjoy, this is a big deal.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>A primer: The earth may very well be </strong><a href="http://www.time.com/time/health/article/0,8599,2097159,00.html"><strong>running out of clean water</strong></a><strong>, and by some estimates it takes 100 times more water (</strong><a href="http://www.sierraclub.org/sustainable_consumption/food_factsheet.asp"><strong>up to 2,500 gallons</strong></a><strong>) to produce a pound of grain-fed beef than it does to produce a pound of wheat. We’re also running out of land: somewhere around</strong><a href="http://mahider.ilri.org/bitstream/handle/10568/10601/IssueBrief3.pdf"><strong>45 percent of the world’s land is either directly or indirectly involved in livestock production</strong></a><strong>, and as forests are cleared to create new land for grazing animals or growing feed crops, the earth’s capacity to sequester greenhouse gases (trees are especially good at this) diminishes.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>I could go on and on about the dangers of producing and consuming too much meat:  heavy reliance  on fossil fuels and </strong><a href="http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/04/20/peak_phosphorus"><strong>phosphorous</strong></a><strong>(both in short supply); consumption of staggering amounts of antibiotics, a </strong><a href="http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0412/75749.html"><strong>threat to public health</strong></a><strong>; and the link (though not as strong as </strong><a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/content/newsweek/2012/05/06/why-the-campaign-to-stop-america-s-obesity-crisis-keeps-failing.html"><strong>sugar</strong></a><strong>’s) to many of the lifestyle diseases that are </strong><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/07/opinion/no-longer-just-adult-onset.html?partner=rssnyt&amp;emc=rss"><strong>wreaking havoc</strong></a><strong> on our health.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>Here’s the thing: It’s seldom that such enormous problems have such simple solutions, but this is one that does. We can tackle climate change without inventing new cars or spending billions on mass transit or trillions on new forms of energy, though all of that is not only desirable but essential.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>In the meantime, we can begin eating less meat tomorrow. That’s something any of us can do, with no technological advances. If personal choice enacted on a large scale could literally save the world, maybe we have to talk about it that way. We could be heroes, like </strong><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pILXoPluHtw"><strong>Bruce Willis in “Armageddon</strong></a><strong>,” only maybe the sacrifice is on a more modest and easier scale. (You already changed your light bulbs; how about eating a salad?)</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>As the global appetite for meat grows, we’ll doubtless figure out a way to satisfy it. But no matter how profitable that may be for producers, the toll it would take on our finite and dwindling resources would be unconscionable.</strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong>We have to think about producing and eating meat in those terms. Anything else would be unethical.<br />________<br />This piece is reproduced in toto  due to its compelling importance. <br /></strong></span></p>
<p><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva; color: #808080;">Mark Bittman is a bestselling cookbook author, journalist and television personality. His friendly, informal approach to home cooking has shown millions that fancy execution is no substitute for flavor and soul.</span></p>
<p><span style="font-size: 12px; font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><strong> </strong></span></p>
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<p style="text-align: center;">_________________________________________________________<span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">______________________</span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;">¶</p>
<p style="text-align: center;">ADVERT PRO NOBIS</p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">IF YOU CAN&#8217;T SEND A DONATION, NO MATTER HOW SMALL, AND YOU THINK THIS PUBLICATION IS WORTH SUPPORTING, AT LEAST HELP <a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/">THE GREANVILLE</a> POST EXPAND ITS INFLUENCE BY MENTIONING IT TO YOUR FRIENDS VIA TWEET OR OTHER SOCIAL NETWORKS! <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">We are in a battle of communications with entrenched enemies that won&#8217;t stop until this world is destroyed and our remaining democratic rights stamped out. Only mass education and mobilization can stop this process. </span></span></strong></span></span></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;"><span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">It&#8217;s really up to you. </span> <span style="color: #000080; font-size: small;">Do your part while you can.</span> </span></strong></span><span style="color: #000000;"><span style="font-size: medium; color: #008080;"><strong><span style="background-color: #ffffff;">••• </span></strong></span></span></span></p>
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		<title>Collapse of New York law firm reflects wider crisis</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/16/collapse-of-new-york-law-firm-reflects-wider-crisis/</link>
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		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 03:03:49 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[CAPITALISM & SOCIALISM]]></category>
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		<description><![CDATA[By Peter Daniels, WSWS.ORG15 May 2012 The deathwatch that has been playing out over the century-old New York law firm Dewey &#38; LeBoeuf appears to be drawing to a close. The firm, itself the product of a high-profile merger of two law firms in 2007, until recently had 1,300 lawyers in 26 offices around the [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/lawfirmdewey-dress-tmagArticle.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="alignnone size-full wp-image-34505" title="lawfirmdewey-dress-tmagArticle" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/lawfirmdewey-dress-tmagArticle.jpg" alt="" width="592" height="315" /></a></h2>
<h5><span style="color: #ff0000;">By Peter Daniels, <a href="http://www.wsws.org/">WSWS.ORG</a></span><br />15 May 2012</h5>
<p>The deathwatch that has been playing out over the century-old New York law firm Dewey &amp; LeBoeuf appears to be drawing to a close. The firm, itself the product of a high-profile merger of two law firms in 2007, until recently had 1,300 lawyers in 26 offices around the world. In recent months, 200 of its 300 partners have left</p>
<p>Last week, 450 secretarial and administrative staff in New York were reportedly given layoff notices, and one employee filed suit in federal court on May 10 claiming workers should have been given 60 days’ written notice under the federal Worker Adjustment and Retraining notification Act (WARN) and 90 days under New York State labor law.<span id="more-34504"></span></p>
<p>Until recently, Dewey spokesmen claimed that the firm would survive. Two weeks ago, Jeffrey Kessler, the head of its litigation department, was hailed as a savior of the firm. Then Kessler himself left last week for the Chicago-based firm of Winston and Strawn. A few days earlier, Morton Pierce, the former vice-chairman of the firm, had also decamped.</p>
<p>Steven H. Davis, the former chairman of Dewey, who had played a major role in the 2007 merger between his firm of LeBoeuf, Lamb and the equally prominent and older firm of Dewey Ballantine, has been assigned most of the blame for the current disaster. Davis, who was fired two weeks ago, is under investigation by the New York District Attorney’s office for possible financial misconduct.</p>
<p>Dewey is the largest and most prominent law firm to fail in recent years, and its rapid disintegration may be a sign of more to come. If Davis is guilty of financial improprieties, he had plenty of company.</p>
<p>The law firm that would later become Dewey, Ballantine, Bushby Palmer and Wood was founded in 1909. By the 1920s and 30s it had become a prominent Wall Street fixture, whose leading lawyers shuttled between careers in government and private practice. The firm became most prominent after 1955, when the former Governor of New York State, Thomas E. Dewey, joined its ranks. Dewey had been the Republican candidate for president in 1944 and 1948, and achieved immortality of a sort when his supposedly certain victory against Harry Truman in 1948 evaporated as the votes were counted.</p>
<p>LeBoeuf, Lamb, Greene and MacRae, founded in 1929, had almost as lengthy a pedigree as Dewey. Both of these firms, however, had their origins in a very different era, and the unraveling of their merger is bound up with the financialization of the U.S. economy as a whole, the complete domination of the financial markets and of speculation over all aspects of economic life.</p>
<p>The parasitic excesses of the boom of the last decade of the 20<sup>th</sup> century and the first decade of the 21<sup>st</sup> continued even after its collapse. The merger of Dewey and LeBoeuf was based largely on multiyear, multimillion-dollar contracts for its biggest partners, and lawyers were poached from other firms, along with their clients, on this basis.</p>
<p>The old conception of a legal partnership, in which all of the partners shared fairly equally in compensation, has been steadily going out of fashion in the age of financialization. Nowhere was this more extreme than at Dewey, where some of the partners who brought in business were promised as much as $6 million annually for six-year contracts, while many others received “only” $300,000.</p>
<p>Kessler summed up the thinking behind this policy when he told the <em>New York Times</em> in a recent interview that it was analogous, as the newspaper explained, “to the sports world, where the salary spread has widened between the star players and others on the team.” He compared his exalted status at Dewey to that of Alex Rodriguez of the New York Yankees, explaining that the salary difference between Mickey Mantle and his fellow players in the 1950s was far less than the current disparity.</p>
<p>Former vice-chairman Pierce, who just left Dewey for the firm of White &amp; Case, has reportedly informed his former firm that he is owed $61 million. This princely sum apparently consists of promised pay for future years, plus retirement funds and other compensation.</p>
<p>This is madness of a sort, but it is a social and economic madness, not personal psychology. The high-flying attorneys, mixing socially with their hedge fund clients and similar specimens, insisted on being rewarded on a comparable scale. This demonstrates the logic of the capitalist crisis itself.</p>
<p>The giant firms have been engaged for the last decade and more in a cutthroat competition for clients, stealing lawyers from other firms. The only assets of these parasites are their carefully cultivated clients whom they bring along with them, for mergers and acquisitions and other lucrative deals in which the law firms share.</p>
<p>When Wall Street came crashing down, the bets embodied in the multimillion, multiyear contracts went sour. The trillion dollar bank bailouts legislated in Washington may have saved the biggest financial institutions, but they only staved off the ongoing reckoning with insupportable debt that is playing out in Europe and in the US as well. The ongoing economic crisis and stagnation finds expression on Wall Street in the drying up of mergers and acquisitions deals and similar financial manipulation.</p>
<p>Dewey &amp; LeBoeuf is far from the only firm that has lost customers and that has seen its revenues sink. It apparently was one of the most, if not the most, exposed, however, because of its gambles that were financed by bank debt and also a private bond offering of $125 million only two years ago. Unable to meet its obligations, it began delaying payments of millions of dollars to partners who had been brought on board with the promises of those millions. The partner defections began in earnest soon after they were asked to take massive cuts in compensation.</p>
<p>Of course, while the big partners expect to lose large amounts of money, they will not be suffering financial hardship. For the so-called “service partners,” especially those who are unable to find similar positions elsewhere, things will be different. And matters will be even more serious for the staff. Some, in the mailroom, in the secretarial pool and elsewhere, face the possibility of long-term or permanent unemployment. They face mortgage payments, college tuition, and health care costs (insurance coverage will be ending within the month), with little or no demand for their skills in the shrinking market for legal services and the crisis confronting similar firms.</p>
<p>The decline and fall of Dewey &amp; LeBoeuf is both a symptom of the larger disease and also a clear illustration of the brutal meaning of the growing social polarization. Large numbers of workers, of varying backgrounds, education and skills, have been granted a few crumbs from the table of the global capitalist boom in recent decades. These are rapidly disappearing, and the real class relationships are emerging in their full clarity. At Dewey, the staff has gone through recent weeks and months with no information on their future, beyond meaningless reassurances. Now they are being thrown out into the street with no severance or any benefits, even for those who have worked at the firm for decades.</p>
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		<title>The JPMorgan debacle</title>
		<link>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/15/the-jpmorgan-debacle/</link>
		<comments>http://www.greanvillepost.com/2012/05/15/the-jpmorgan-debacle/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Wed, 16 May 2012 01:13:44 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>shorty</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[BASTARDS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[BATTLE OF COMMUNICATIONS]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[CORPORATE OWNED PARTIES]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[FINANCE CAPITAL]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[GOVERNMENT CRIMES]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[GREAT HYPOCRISY]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.greanvillepost.com/?p=34496</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Andre Damon and Barry Grey, WSWS.ORG The economic and political fallout from JPMorgan Chase’s sudden announcement last Thursday night that it lost more than $2 billion from speculative bets on credit derivatives continued to grow on Monday. The biggest US bank announced the forced retirement of Ina Drew, who headed up the bank’s London-based Chief [...]]]></description>
			<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><span style="color: #ff0000;"><strong>Andre Damon and Barry Grey, <a href="http://www.wsws.org/"><span style="color: #ff0000;">WSWS.ORG</span></a></strong></span></p>
<p><div id="attachment_34497" class="wp-caption alignnone" style="width: 390px"><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/dimonMay3.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="size-full wp-image-34497" title="dimonMay3" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/dimonMay3.jpg" alt="" width="380" height="260" /></a><p class="wp-caption-text">Dimon: &quot;What me worry?&quot;</p></div>
<p>The economic and political fallout from JPMorgan Chase’s sudden announcement last Thursday night that it lost more than $2 billion from speculative bets on credit derivatives continued to grow on Monday. The biggest US bank announced the forced retirement of Ina Drew, who headed up the bank’s London-based Chief Investment Office, which placed huge bets on the creditworthiness of a collection of US corporations. Other top executives and traders are expected to be sacked or demoted.<span id="more-34496"></span></p>
<p>The bank’s shares fell another 3.2 percent, bringing its two-day market capitalization loss to nearly $19 billion. The <em>Wall Street Journal </em>reported that JPMorgan was prepared for a total loss of more than $4 billion over the next year from its soured stake in credit default swaps—the same investment vehicle that played a central role in the collapse of Lehman Brothers and the government bailout of insurance giant American International Group (AIG) in September of 2008.</p>
<p>In an interview on NBC’s “Meet the Press” program on Sunday, JPMorgan CEO Jamie Dimon sought to present the loss as an innocent mistake, resulting from “errors, sloppiness and bad judgment.” Only a month ago, Dimon, who has led the public campaign by Wall Street against even the mildest restrictions on speculative banking practices, dismissed warnings over the massive bets being made by his Chief Investment Office as “a complete tempest in a teapot.”</p>
<p>The scale of the loss and the denials that preceded it raise the likelihood that banking rules and laws against investor fraud and deception were breached.</p>
<p>President Obama, however, rushed to the defense of JPMorgan and Dimon, declaring on a daytime television talk show Monday that JPMorgan was “one of the best managed banks there is” and Dimon was “one of the smartest bankers we got.” At the same time he cited the bank’s loss as a vindication of the Dodd-Frank financial regulatory bill that he signed into law in July of 2010. “This is why we passed Wall Street reform,” he said.</p>
<p>In fact, the JPMorgan debacle demonstrates that nearly four years after the Wall Street crash nothing has changed for the financial aristocracy. No measures have been taken to rein in the banks, which received trillions of dollars in government handouts, guarantees and cheap loans. The same forms of speculation and outright swindling that led to the financial meltdown and the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression continue unabated.</p>
<p>The big banks, such as JPMorgan, have increased their stranglehold over the US economy. They have recorded bumper profits by withholding credit from consumers and small businesses, keeping unemployment high, while speculating on credit default swaps and other exotic financial instruments that drain resources from the real economy. On this basis, bank executives and traders, including those at bailed-out institutions, have continued to rake in eight-figure compensation packages. Last year, Ina Drew made $14 million, and Jamie Dimon took in $26 million.</p>
<p>The Dodd-Frank law trumpeted by Obama is a fraud, an attempt to give the appearance of financial reform while enabling the banks to continue their parasitic and criminal activities. A case in point is the so-called Volcker Rule, named after the former chairman of the Federal Reserve and economic adviser to the Obama White House, Paul Volcker.</p>
<p>The rule, incorporated into the Dodd-Frank Act and supposedly one of its most daring provisions, ostensibly bars proprietary trading—speculation by a bank on its own account—by commercial banks whose consumer deposits are guaranteed by the federal government. The idea is to prevent government-insured banks from speculating with depositors’ money.</p>
<p>But the regulation as drafted by federal regulators—under pressure from the Federal Reserve and Obama’s treasury secretary, Timothy Geithner, as well as the banks—would actually allow the type of speculative bet made by JPMorgan in the guise of a “hedge” to offset risk in the bank’s overall investment portfolio.</p>
<p>The Volcker Rule, whose precise form is yet to be announced, will do nothing to halt speculation by government-backed banks using small depositors’ money.</p>
<p>The JPMorgan scandal also throws into relief the government’s failure to prosecute those responsible for the 2008 financial meltdown. Despite overwhelming evidence of wrongdoing and criminality uncovered by two federal investigations last year, those responsible have been shielded from prosecution.</p>
<p>When Iowa Senator Charles Grassley submitted a letter to the Justice Department earlier this year asking how many bank executives had been prosecuted in response to the financial crisis, the Justice Department replied it did not know because it was not keeping a list.</p>
<p>According to a study by Syracuse University, however, federal financial fraud prosecutions have fallen to 20-year lows under the Obama administration, and are down 39 percent since 2003. Under Obama, the number of financial fraud cases has fallen to one-third the level of the Clinton administration.</p>
<p>These facts demonstrate the de facto dictatorship exercised by the financial aristocracy over the entire political system and both major parties. The Obama administration, in particular, is an instrument of the most powerful financial institutions. It has focused its efforts on protecting and increasing the wealth of the privileged elite while utilizing the crisis to permanently slash the wages and living standards of the working class.</p>
<p>For much of Obama’s tenure, Jamie Dimon was known as the White House’s “favorite banker.” According to White House logs, Dimon visited the White House at least 18 times, often to talk to his former subordinate at JPMorgan, William Daley, who had been named White House chief of staff by Obama after the Democratic rout in the 2010 elections.</p>
<p>The incestuous and corrupt relations between Wall Street, the Obama administration and the entire political system underscore the necessity for the working class to build its own mass socialist movement to fight for its interests in opposition to the ruling elite.</p>
<p>The bankers responsible for the financial crisis, including Dimon and his co-conspirators, must be held criminally liable for their lawlessness and held accountable for the social suffering that has resulted from their actions. The ill-gotten trillions accumulated by the banks must be expropriated, with full protection for small depositors and small businesses, and used to provide decent jobs, housing, health care and education for all.</p>
<p>There is no way to rein in the banks and end their socially destructive activities within the framework of the capitalist system. The only way to stop the fraud and parasitism that go on every day on Wall Street is to nationalize the banks and run them as democratically controlled public utilities.</p>
<p><span style="color: #003366;">Andre Damon and Barry Grey are senior political analysts with WSWS.ORG, a socialist organization.</span></p>
<p><a href="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/TGPAdhalfsize.jpg"><img onError="javascript: wp_broken_images = window.wp_broken_images || function(){}; wp_broken_images(this);"  class="wp-image-30965 alignleft" style="border: 2px solid black;" title="TGPAdhalfsize" src="http://www.greanvillepost.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/02/TGPAdhalfsize.jpg" alt="" width="132" height="164" /></a></p>
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<p style="text-align: center;">_________________________________________________________<span style="font-family: 'trebuchet ms', geneva;">______________________</span></p>
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