When Animals Resist

SPECIAL—

When Animals Resist
Let Us Now Praise Infamous Animals

By JEFFREY ST. CLAIR | Counterpunch.org
Thank you, Jeffrey St. Clair


In the spring of 1457, a gruesome murder took place in the French village of Savigny-sur-Etang. A five-year-old boy had been killed and his body partially consumed. A local family was accused of this frightful crime by local residents who claimed to have witnessed the murder. The seven suspects, a mother and her six children, were soon tracked down by local authorities, who discovered them still stained by the boy’s blood. They were arrested, indicted on charges of infanticide and held in the local jail for trial.

The defendants were indigent and the court appointed a lawyer to represent them. A few weeks later a trial was convened in Savigny’s seigneurial court. Before a crowded room, witnesses were called. Evidence was presented and legal arguments hotly debated. The justices considered the facts and the law and rendered a verdict and a sentence. The mother was pronounced guilty and ordered to be hanged to death by her legs from the limb of the gallows tree. Her six children, however, received a judicial pardon. The court accepted the defense lawyer’s argument that the youngsters lacked the mental competence to have committed a crime in the eyes of the law. The orphaned children were sent into custodial care at the expense of the state.

This is an interesting case to be sure, featuring important lessons about the legal rights of the poor and the historic roots of juvenile justice in western jurisprudence, lessons that seem entirely lost on our current “tradition-obsessed” Supreme Court. But here’s the kicker: the defendants in these proceedings were not members of our species. They were, it must be said, a family of pigs.

The Savigny murder case, even in its ghastly particulars, was unexceptional. In medieval Europe (and even colonial America) thousands of animals were summoned to court and put on trial for a variety of offenses, ranging from trespassing, thievery and vandalism to rape, assault and murder. The defendants included cats, dogs, cows, sheep, goats, slugs, swallows, oxen, horses, mules, donkeys, pigs, wolves, bears, bees, weevils, and termites. These tribunals were not show trials or strange festivals like Fools Day. The tribunals were taken seriously by both the courts and the community.

Though now largely lost to history, these trials followed the same convoluted rules of legal procedure used in cases involving humans. Indeed, as detailed in E. P. Evans’ remarkable book, The Criminal Prosecution and Capital Punishment of Animals (1906), humans and animals were frequently tried together in the same courtroom as co-conspirators, especially in cases of bestiality. The animal defendants were appointed their own lawyers at public expense. Animals enjoyed appeal rights and there are several instances when convictions were overturned and sentences reduced or commuted entirely. Sometimes, particularly in cases involving pigs, the animal defendants were dressed in human clothes during court proceedings and at executions.

Animal trials were held in two distinct settings: ecclesiastical courts and secular courts. Ecclesiastical courts were the venue of choice for cases involving the destruction of public resources, such as crops, or in crimes involving the corruption of public morals, such as witchcraft or sexual congress between humans and beasts. The secular and royal courts claimed jurisdiction over cases where animals were accused of causing bodily harm or death to humans or, in some instances, other animals.

When guilty verdicts were issued and a death sentence imposed, a professional executioner was commissioned for the lethal task. Animals were subjected to the same ghastly forms of torture and execution as were condemned humans. Convicted animals were lashed, put to the rack, hanged, beheaded, burned at the stake, buried alive, stoned to death and drawn-and-quartered. In 14th century Sardinia, trespassing livestock had an ear cut-off for each offense. In an early application of the three-strikes-and-you’re-out rule, the third conviction resulted in immediate execution.

The flesh of executed animals was never eaten. Instead, the corpses of the condemned were either burned, dumped in rivers or buried next to human convicts in graveyards set aside for criminals and heretics. The heads of the condemned, especially in cases of bestiality, were often displayed on pikes in the town square adjacent to the heads of their human co-conspirators.

The first recorded murder trial involving an animal took place in 1266 at Fontenay-aux-Roses (birthplace of the painter Pierre Bonnard) on the outskirts of Paris. The case involved a murder of an infant girl. The defendant was a pig. Though the records have been lost, similar trials almost certainly date back to classical Greece, where, according to Aristotle, secular trials of animals were regularly held in the great Prytaneum of Athens.

Interestingly, Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologiae, written in 1269, is in part an attack on Aristotle’s ideas and his “radical acolytes” who had infiltrated the universities of thirteenth century Europe. In the Summa, Aquinas laboriously tried to explain the theological basis for the trials of animals.

While most of the animal trials, according the records unearthed by Evans, appear to have taken place in France, Germany and Italy, nearly every country in Europe seems to have put beasts on trial, including Russia, Poland, Romania, Spain, Scotland and Ireland. Anglophiles have long claimed that England alone resisted the idea of hauling cows, dogs and pigs before the royal courts. But Shakespeare suggests otherwise. In “The Merchant of Venice,” Portia’s friend, the young and impetuous Gratiano, abuses Shylock, comparing him to a wolf that had been tried and hanged for murder:

Thy currish spirit
Govern’d a wolf, who, hang’d for human slaughter,
Even from the gallows did his fell soul fleet,
And, whilst thou lay’st in thy unhallow’d dam,
Infus’d itself in thee..

Even colonial Brazil got in on the act. In 1713 a rectory at the Franciscan monastery in Piedade no Maranhão collapsed, its foundation ravaged by termites. The friars lodged charges against the termites and an ecclesiastical inquest soon issued a summons demanding that the ravenous insects appear before the court to confront the allegations against their conduct. Often in such cases, the animals who failed to heed the warrant were summarily convicted in default judgments. But these termites had a crafty lawyer. He argued that the termites were industrious creatures, worked hard and enjoyed a God-given right to feed themselves. Moreover, the lawyer declared, the slothful habits of the friars had likely contributed to the disrepair of the monastery. The monks, the defense lawyer argued, were merely using the local termite community as an excuse for their own negligence. The judge returned to his chambers, contemplated the facts presented him and returned with a Solomonic ruling. The friars were compelled to provide a woodpile for the termites to dine at and the insects were commanded to leave the monastery and confine their eating to their new feedlot.

A similar case unfolded in the province of Savoy, France in 1575. The weevils of Saint Julien, a tiny hamlet in the Rhone Alps, were indicted for the crime of destroying the famous vineyards on the flanks of Mount Cenis. A lawyer, Pierre Rembaud, was appointed as defense counsel for the accused. Rembaud wasted no time in filing a motion for summary judgment, arguing that the weevils had every right to consume the grape leaves. Indeed, Rembaud asserted, the weevils enjoyed a prior claim to the vegetation on Mount Cenis, since, as detailed in the Book of Genesis, the Supreme Deity had created animals before he fashioned humans and God had promised animals all of the grasses, leaves and green herbs for their sustenance. Rembaud’s argument stumped the court. As the judges deliberated, the villagers of Saint Julien seemed swayed by the lawyer’s legal reasoning. Perhaps the bugs had legitimate grievances. The townsfolk scrambled to set aside a patch of open land away from the vineyards as a foraging ground for the weevils. The land was surveyed. Deeds were drawn up and the property was shown to counselor Rembaud for his inspection and approval. They called the weevil reserve La Grand Feisse. Rembaud walked the site, investigating the plant communities with the eyes of a seasoned botanist. Finally, he shook his head. No deal. The land was rocky and had obviously been overgrazed for decades. La Grand Feisse was wholly unsuitable for the discriminating palates of his clients. If only John Walker Lindh had been appointed so resolute an advocate!

The Perry Mason of animal defense lawyers was an acclaimed French jurist named Bartholomew Chassenée, who later became a chief justice in the French provincial courts and a preeminent legal theorist. One of Chassenée’s most intriguing essays, the sixteenth-century equivalent of a law review article, was titled De Excommunicatore Animalium Insectorium. In another legal mongraph, Chassenée argued with persuasive force that local animals, both wild and domesticated, should be considered lay members of the parish community. In other words, the rights of animals were similar in kind to the rights of the people at large.

In the summer of 1522, Chassenée was called to the ancient village of Autun in Burgundy. The old town, founded during the reign of Augustus, had been recently overrun by rats. French maidens had been frightened, the barley crop destroyed, the vineyards placed in peril. The town crier issued a summons for the rats to appear before the court. None showed. The judge asked Chassenée why he should not find his clients guilty in absentia. The lawyer argued that the rat population was dispersed through the countryside and that his clients were almost certainly unaware of the charges pending against them. The judge agreed. The town crier was dispatched into the fields to repeat his urgent notice. Yet still the rats failed to appear at trial. Once again Chassenée jumped into action. Showing tactical skills that should impress Gerry Spence, Chassenée shifted his strategy. Now he passionately explained to the court that the rats remained hidden in their rural nests, paralyzed by the prospect of making a journey past the cats of Autun, who were well-known for their ferocious animosity toward rodents.

In the end, the rats were spared execution. The judge sternly ordered them to vacate the fields of Autun within six days. If the rats failed to heed this injunction, the animals would be duly anathematized, condemned to eternal torment. This sentence of damnation would be imposed, the court warned, regardless of any rodent infirmities or pregnancies.

Few animal trials were prosecuted as vigorously as those involving allegations of bestiality. In 1565, a man was indicted for engaging in sexual relations with a mule in the French city of Montpelier. The mule was also charged. Both stood trial together. They were duly convicted and sentenced to death at the stake. Because of the mule’s angry disposition, the animal was subjected to additional torments. His feet were chopped off before the poor beast was pitched into the fire.

In 1598, the suspected sorceress Françoise Secretain was brought before the inquisitional court at St. Claude in the Jura Mountains of Burgundy to face charges of witchcraft and bestiality. Secretain was accused of communing with the devil and having sex with a dog, a cat and a rooster. The blood-curdling case is described in detail by her prosecutor, the Grand Justice Henri Boguet, in his strange memoir Discours des Sorciers. Secretain was stripped naked her cell, as the fanatical Boguet inspected her for the mark of Satan. The animals were shaved and plucked for similar examinations. Secretain and her pets were put to various tortures, including having a hot poker plunged down their throats to see if they shed tears, for, as Boguet noted in his memoir:

“All the sorcerers whom I have examined in quality of Judge have never shed tears in my presence: or, indeed, if they have shed them it has been so parsimoniously that no notice was taken of them. I say this with regard to those who seemed to weep, but I doubt if their tears were not feigned. I am at least well assured that those tears were wrung from them with the greatest efforts. This was shown by the efforts which the accused made to weep, and by the small number of tears which they shed.”

Alas, the poor woman and her animals did not weep. They perished together in flames at the stake.

In 1642 a teenage boy named Thomas Graunger stood accused of committing, in the unforgettable phrase of Cotton Mather, “infandous Buggeries” with farm animals in Plymouth, Massachusetts. Young master Graunger was hauled before an austere tribunal of Puritans headed by Gov. William Bradford. There he stood trial beside his co-defendants, a mare, a cow, two goats, four sheep, two calves and a turkey. All were found guilty. They were publicly tortured and executed. Their bodies were burned on a pyre, their ashes buried in a mass grave. Graunger was the first juvenile to be executed in colonial America.

In 1750, a French farmer named Jacques Ferron was espied sodomizing a female donkey in a field. Man and beast were arrested and hauled before a tribunal in the commune of Vanves near Paris. After a day-long trial, Ferron was convicted and sentenced to be burned at the stake. But the donkey’s lawyers argued that their client was innocent. The defense maintained that the illicit acts were not consensual. The donkey, the defense pleaded, was a victim of rape and not a willing participant in carnal congress with Ferron. Character witnesses were called to testify on the donkey’s behalf. Affidavits calling for mercy were filed with the court by several leading citizens of the town, including the head abbot at the local priory, attesting to the benign nature and good moral character of the animal. The abbot wrote that the four-year-old donkey was “in word and deed and in all her habits of life a most honorable creature.” Here the court was compelled to evaluate matters of volition, free will and resistance. In short, did the donkey say no? After an intense deliberation, the court announced its verdict. The donkey was acquitted and duly released back to its pasture.

What are we to make of all this? Why did both the secular and religious courts of Europe devote so much time and money to these elaborate trials of troublesome animals? Some scholars, such as James Frazer, argue that the trials performed the function of the ancient rituals of sacrifice and atonement. Others, such as the legal theorist Hans Kelsen, view the cases as the last gasp of the animistic religions. Some have offered an economic explanation suggesting that animals were tried and executed during times of glut or seized in times of economic plight as property by the Church or Crown through the rule of deodand or “giving unto God.” Still others have suggested that the trials and executions served a public health function, culling populations of farm animals and rodents that might contribute to the spread of infectious diseases.

Our interest here, however, is not with the social purpose of the trials, but in the qualities and rights the so-called medieval mind ascribed to the defendants: rationality, premeditation, free will, moral agency, calculation and motivation. In other words, it was presumed that animals acted with intention, that they could be driven by greed, jealousy and revenge. Thus the people of the Middle Ages, dismissed as primitives in many modernist quarters, were actually open to a truly radical idea: animal consciousness. As demonstrated in these trials, animals could be found to have mens rea, a guilty mind. But the courts also seriously considered exculpatory evidence aimed at proving that the actions of the accused, including murder, were justifiable owing to a long train of abuses. In other words, if animals could commit crimes, then crimes could also be committed against them.

The animal trials peaked in the late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth centuries, then faded away. They came to be viewed through the lens of modern historians as comical curiosities, grotesquely odd relics of the Dark Ages. The legal scholar W. W. Hyde succinctly summed up the smug, self-aggrandizing view of the legal scholars of the 20th century: “the savage in his rage at an animal’s misdeeds obliterates all distinctions between man and beast, and treats the latter in all respects as the former.”

Of course, the phasing out of animal trials didn’t mean that the cruel treatment of domesticated animals improved or that problematic beasts stopped being put to death in public extravaganzas. While the trials ceased, the executions increased.

Recall the death warrant issued in 1903 against Topsy the Elephant, star of the Forepaugh Circus at Coney Island’s Luna Park. Topsy had killed three handlers in a three-year period. One of her trainers was a sadist, who tortured the elephant by beating her with clubs, stabbing her with pikes and feeding her lit cigarettes.

Tospy was ordered to be hanged, but then Thomas Edison showed up and offered to electrocute Topsy. She was shackled, fed carrots laced with potassium cyanide and jolted with 6,600 volts of alternating current. Before a crowd of 1,500 onlookers, Topsy shivered, toppled and died in a cloud of dust. Edison filmed the entire event. He titled his documentary short, “Electrocuting the Elephant.”

Topsy received no trial. It was not even imagined that she had grievances, a justification for her violent actions. Topsy was killed because she’d become a liability. Her death was a business decision, pure and simple.

So what happened? How did animals come to be viewed as mindless commodities? One explanation is that modernity rudely intruded in the rather frail form of René Descartes. The great Cartesian disconnect not only cleaved mind from body, but also severed humans from the natural world. Descartes postulated that animals were mere physical automatons. They were biological machines whose actions were driven solely by bio-physical instincts. Animals lacked the power of cognition, the ability to think and reason. They had a brain but no mind.At Port-Royal the Cartesians cut up living creatures with fervor, and in the words of one of Descartes’ biographers, “kicked about their dogs and dissected their cats without mercy, laughing at any compassion for them and calling their screams the noise of breaking machinery.” Across the Channel Francis Bacon declared in the “Novum Organum” that the proper aim of science was to restore the divinely ordained dominance of man over nature, “to extend more widely the limits of the power and greatness of man and so to endow him with “infinite commodities.” Bacon’s doctor, William Harvey, was a diligent vivisector of living animals.

Thus did the great sages of the Enlightenment assert humanity’s ruthless primacy over the Animal Kingdom. The materialistic view of history, and the fearsome economic and technological pistons driving it, left no room for either the souls or consciousness of animals. They were no longer our fellow beings. They had been rendered philosophically and literally in resources for guiltless exploitation, turned into objects of commerce, labor, entertainment and food.

Conveniently for humans, the philosophers of the Industrial Age declared that animal had no sense of their miserable condition. They could not understand abuse, they had no conception of suffering, they could not feel pain. When captive animals bit, trampled or killed their human captors, it wasn’t an act of rebellion against abusive treatment but merely a reflex. There was no need, therefore, to investigate the motivations behind these violent encounters because there could be no premeditation at all on the animal’s part. The confrontations could not be crimes. They were mere accidents, nothing more.

One wonders what Descartes would have made of the group of orangutans, who stole crowbars and screwdrivers from zookeepers in San Diego to repeatedly break out of their enclosures? How’s that for cognition, cooperation and tool use, Monsieur Descartes?

In 1668, Jean Racine, a playwright not known for his facility with farce, wrote a comedy satirizing the trials of animals. Written eighteen years after the death of Descartes, Les Plaideurs (The Litigants) tells the story of a senile old man obsessed with judging, who eventually places the family dog on trial for stealing a capon from the kitchen table. The mutt is convicted and sentenced to death. Then the condemned canine’s lawyer makes a last minute plea for mercy and reveals a litter of puppies before the judge. The old man is moved and the harsh hand of justice is stayed.

Racine’s comedy, loosely based on Aristophanes’ The Wasps, bombed, playing only two nights before closing, perhaps because the public had not yet been convinced by the solons of Europe to fully renounce their kinship with natural creatures. Revealingly, the play was resurrected a century later by the Comedie-Française to packed houses. By then public attitudes toward animals had shifted decisively in favor of human exceptionalism. According some accounts, the play has now become the most frequently performed French comedy, having been presented in more than 1,400 different productions.

Contrast Descartes sterile, homocentric view with that of a much great intellect, Michel Montaigne. Writing a mere fifty years before Descartes, Montaigne, the most gifted French prose stylist, declared: “We understand them no more than they us. By the same token they may as well esteem us beasts as we them.” Famously, he wrote in the “Apology for Raymond Sebond”, “When I play with my cat, who knows if I am not a pastime to her more than she is to me?”. Montaigne was distressed by the barbarous treatment of animals: “If I see but a chicken’s neck pulled off or a pig sticked, I cannot choose but grieve; and I cannot well endure a silly dew-bedabbled hare to groan when she is seized upon by the hounds.”

But the materialists held sway. Descartes was backed up the grim John Calvin, who proclaimed that the natural world was a merely a material resource to be exploited for the benefit of humanity, “True it is that God hath given us the birds for our food,” Calvin declared. “We know he hath made the whole world for us.”

John Locke, the father of modern liberal thinking, described animals as “perfect machines” available for unregulated use by man. The animals could be sent to the slaughterhouse with no right of appeal. In Locke’s coldly utilitarian view, cows, goats, chickens and sheep were simply meat on feet.

Thus was the Great Chain of Being ruthlessly transmuted into an iron chain with a manacle clasped round the legs and throats of animals, hauling them off to zoos, circuses, bull rings and abattoirs.

Perhaps as a result of its antiquated super-humanism, the Marxian view of animals is the great blind (and shameful) spot in a philosophy dedicated to universal liberation and justice.

Karl Marx, that supreme materialist, ridiculed the Romantic poets for their “deification of Nature” and chastised Darwin for his “natural, zoological way of thinking.” Unfortunately, Marx’s great intellect was not empathetic enough to extend his concepts of division of labor, alienation and worker revolt to the animals harnessed into grim service by the lords of capital. By the 1930s, so Matt Cartmill writes in his excellent history of hunting, “A View to a Death in the Morning”, “some Marxist thinkers… urged that it was time to put an end to nature and that animals and plants that serve no human purpose ought to be exterminated.”

Marx liked to disparage his enemies by calling them baboons. But what would Marx have made of the baboons of northern Africa, hunted down by animal traders, who slaughtered nursing mother baboons and stole their babies for American zoos and medical research labs. The baboon communities violently resisted this risible enterprise, chasing the captors through the wilderness all the way to the train station. Some of the baboons even followed the train for more than a hundred miles and at distant stations launched raids on the cars in an attempt to free the captives. How’s that for fearless solidarity?

Fidel Castro, one of Marx’s most ardent political practitioners, reinvented himself in his 80s as a kind of eco-guerilla, decrying the threat of global warming and advocating green revolutions. Yet Castro likes nothing more than to take visiting journalists to the Acuario Nacional de la Habana to watch captive dolphins perform tricks. The cetaceans are kept in wretched conditions, often trapped in waters so saturated with chlorine that it burns ulcers in the skin and peels the corneas off the eyeballs. Cuba captures and breeds dolphins for touring exhibitions and for sale to notoriously noxious aquatic parks throughout South America. The captive dolphins in Havana are trained by Celia Guevara, daughter of Che. There, as in other dolphin parks, food is used as a weapon in the pitiless reconditioning of the brainy sea mammals. Do the trick right or you don’t get fed. Is it any wonder then that many captive dolphins have chosen to bite the hand that starves them?

In this respect, at least, Adam Smith comes out a little more humane than the Marxists. Although he viewed animals as property, Smith recoiled at the sight of the abattoir: “The trade of a butcher is a brutal and odious business.”

Through the ages, it’s been the poets who have largely held firm in their affinity with the natural world. Consider the Metamorphoses composed by the Roman poet and political dissident Ovid around the time of Christ’s birth. In the final book of this epic, where humans are routinely transformed into animals, Ovid summons the spirit of Pythagoras. The great sage of Samos, whom Aristotle hailed as the father of philosophy, gives the most important speech in the poem. But the author of the famous Theorem forsakes the opportunity to proclaim that mathematics is the foundation of nature. Instead, Ovid’s Pythagoras denounces the killing of animals for food and asserts the sanctity of all life forms.

“What evil they contrive, how impiously they prepare to shed human blood itself, who rip at a calf’s throat with the knife, and listen unmoved to its bleating, or can kill a kid goat to eat, that cries like a child, or feed on a bird, that they themselves have fed! How far does that fall short of actual murder? Where does the way lead on from there?”

Where indeed. To hell, perhaps? That’s what John Milton thought. Milton’s God advises Adam that animals have the power of cognition and indeed they “reason not contemptibly.”

Crusty Robert Burns tells a frightened field mouse:

I’m truly sorry Man’s dominion

Has broken Nature’s social union,

An’ justifies that ill opinion,

Which makes thee startle,

At me, thy poor, earth-born companion,

An’ fellow-mortal!

Samuel Taylor Coleridge expressed similar fraternal sentiments to a donkey chained in a field:

Poor Ass! thy master should have learnt to show
Pity –
best taught by fellowship of Woe!

For much I fear me that He lives like thee,

Half famished in a land of Luxury!

How askingly its footsteps hither bend!

It seems to say, “And have I then one friend?”

Innocent foal! thou poor despised forlorn!

I hail thee Brother — spite of the fool’s scorn!

And fain would take thee with me, in the Dell

Of Peace and mild Equality to dwell …

Lord Byron objected to angling, saying it inflicted unnecessary pain on trout, and ridiculed Izaak Walton for debasing poetry in promotion of this “cruel” hobby. His Lordship would, no doubt, have been outraged by the inane past-time of “catch-and-release” fishing.

Byron’s arch-nemesis William Wordsworth wrote a stunning poem titled “Hart-Leap Well,” tracking the last moments in the life a mighty stag chased “for thirteen hours” to its death by a horse-riding knight and his hounds. The ballad closes with a stark denunciation of hunting for sport:

“This Beast not unobserved by Nature fell;
His death was mourned by sympathy divine.

“The Being, that is in the clouds and air,
That is in the green leaves among the groves,
Maintains a deep and reverential care
For the unoffending creatures whom he loves.

“One lesson, Shepherd, let us two divide,
Taught both by what she [ie. Nature’ shows, and what conceals;
Never to blend our pleasure or our pride
With sorrow of the meanest thing that feels.”

The great, though mad, naturalist-poet John Clare openly worshipped “the religion of the fields,” while William Blake, the poet of revolution, simply said:

“For every thing that lives is Holy,
Life delights in life.”

And, finally, there is the glorious precedent of Geoffrey Chaucer, who reveals himself to be an animal liberationist. In the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer describes the Prioress as a woman who cannot abide the abuse of animals.

But for to speken of hir conscience,
She was so charitable and so pious
She wolde wepe, if that she sawe a mous
Caught in a trappe, if it were deed or bledde.
Of smaule houndes hadde she that she fedde
With rosted flessh, or milk and wastel-breed.
But soore wepte she if oon of hem were deed,
Or if men smoot it with a yerde smerte;
And al was conscience and tender herte.

Later in the remarkable Tale of the Manciple, Chaucer goes all the way, arguing forcefully against the caging of wild songbirds. The English language’s first great poet concludes that no matter how well you treat the captives, the birds desire their freedom:

“Taak any bryd, and put it in a cage,
And do al thyn entente and thy corage
To fostre it tendrely with mete and drynke,
Of alle deyntees that thou kanst bithynke;
And keepe it al so clenly as thou may,
Although his cage of gold be nevere so gay,
Yet hath this bryd, by twenty thousand foold,
Levere in a forest that is rude and coold
Goon ete wormes, and swich wrecchednesse;
For evere this bryd wol doon his bisynesse
To escape out of his cage, whan he may.
His libertee this brid desireth ay.”

It would take the philosophers nearly six hundred years to catch up with Chaucer’s enlightened sentiments. In 1975, the Australian Peter Singer published his revolutionary book Animal Liberation. Singer demolished the Cartesian model that treated animals as mere machines. Blending science and ethics, Singer asserted that most animals are sentient beings, capable of feeling pain. The infliction of pain was both unethical and immoral. He argued that the progressive credo of providing “the greatest good for the greatest number” should be extended to animals and that animals should be liberated from their servitude in scientific labs, factory farms, circuses and zoos.

A quarter century after the publication of Animal Liberation, Peter Singer revisited the great taboo of bestiality in an essay titled “Heavy Petting.” Expressing sentiments that would have shocked Grand Inquisitor Boguet, Singer argued that sexual relations between humans and animals should not automatically be considered acts of abuse. According to Singer, it all comes down to the issue of harm. In some cases, Singer suggested, animals might actually feel excitement and pleasure in such inter-species couplings. Even for the most devoted animal rights advocates this might be taking E. O. Wilson’s concept of biophilia a little too literally.

In Fear of the Animal Planet, historian Jason Hribal takes a radical, but logical, step beyond Singer. Hribal reverses the perspective and tells the story of liberation from the animals’ points-of-view. This is history written from the end of the chain, from inside the cage, from the depths of the tank. Hribal’s chilling investigation travels much further than Singer dared to go. For Hribal, the issue isn’t merely harm and pain, but consent. The confined animals haven’t given their permission to be held captive, forced to work, fondled or publicly displayed for profit.

Hribal skillfully excavates the hidden history of captive animals as active agents in their own liberation. His book is a harrowing, and curiously uplifting, chronicle of resistance against some of the cruelest forms of torture and oppression this side of Abu Ghraib prison.

Hribal takes us behind the scenes of circus and the animal park, exposing methods of training involving sadistic forms of discipline and punishment, where elephants and chimps are routinely beaten and terrorized into submission.

We witness from the animals’ perspective the tyrannical trainers, creepy dealers in exotic species, arrogant zookeepers and sinister hunters, who slaughtered the parents of young elephants and apes in front of their young before they captured them. We are taken inside the cages, tents and tanks, where captive elephants, apes and sea mammals are confined in wretched conditions with little medical care.

All of this is big business, naturally. Each performing dolphin can generate more than a million dollars a year in revenue, while orcas can produce twenty times that much.

This is a history of violent resistance to such abuses. Here are stories of escapes, subterfuges, work stoppages, gorings, rampages, bitings, and, yes, revenge killings. Each trampling of a brutal handler with a bull-hook, each mauling of a taunting visitor, each drowning of a tormenting trainer is a crack in the old order that treats animals as property, as engines of profit, as mindless objects of exploitation and abuse. The animal rebels are making their own history and Jason Hribal serves as their Michelet.

Hribal’s heroic profiles in animal courage show how most of these violent acts of resistance were motivated by their abusive treatment and the miserable conditions of their confinement. These animals are far from mindless. Their actions reveal memory not mere conditioning, contemplation not instinct, and, most compellingly, discrimination not blind rage. Again and again, the animals are shown to target only their abusers, often taking pains to avoid trampling bystanders. Animals, in other words, acting with a moral conscience.

So let us now praise infamous animals.

Consider the case of Jumbo the Elephant, the world’s most famous animal. Captured in eastern Africa in 1865, Jumbo would become the star attraction of P.T. Barnums’ Circus. Jumbo earned millions for his owners, but he was treated abysmally for most of his brief life. The giant pachyderm was confined to a small compartment with a concrete floor that damaged his feet and caused his joints to become arthritic. He was trained using unspeakably brutal methods, he was shackled in leg-chains, jabbed with a lance, beaten with ax handles, drugged and fed beer to the point of intoxication. He was endlessly shipped back-and-forth across the country on the circuses train and made to perform two shows a day, six days a week. At the age of 24 Jumbo was finally fed up. He could tolerate it no more. On a September night in Ontario, Jumbo and his sidekick, the small elephant called Thom Thumb, broke free from their handlers and wondered away from the tent and towards the train tracks. As P.T. Barnum later told the story, Jumbo pushed his pal Thom Thumb safely off the tracks and tried to ram an oncoming train. After Jumbo died an autopsy was performed. He stomach contents reviled numerous metallic objects that he had been fed over the years, including keys, screws, bolts, pennies and nickels—his reward for entertain hundreds of thousands of people.

Tatiana the Tiger, confined for years in a small enclosure at the San Francisco Zoo, finally reached her limit after being tormented by three teenaged boys on Christmas day 2006. She leapt the twelve-foot high wall, snatched one of the lads in her paws and eviscerated him. She stalked the zoo grounds for the next half-hour, by-passing many other visitors, until she tracked down the two other culprits and mauled them both before being gunned down by police.

There is Ken the Orangutan who pelted an intrusive TV news crew with his own shit from his enclosure at the San Diego Zoo.

Moe the Chimpanzee, an unpaid Hollywood actor who, when he wasn’t working, was locked in a tiny cage in West Covina. Moe made multiple escapes and fiercely resisted his recapture. He bit four people and punched at least one police officer. After his escape, he was sent off to a miserable confinement at a dreary place called Jungle Exotics. Moe escaped again, this time into the San Bernadino Mountains, where’s he’s never been heard from since.

Speaking of Hollywood, let’s toast the memory of Buddha the Orangutan (aka Clyde), who co-starred with Clint Eastwood in the movie Every Which Way But Loose. On the set, Buddha simply stopped working one day. He refused to perform his silly routines any more and his trainer repeatedly clubbed him in the head with a hard cane in front of the crew. One day near the end of filming Buddha, like that dog in Racine’s play, snatched some doughnuts from a table on the set. The ape was seized by his irate keeper, taken back his cage and beaten to death with an ax handle. Buddha’s name was not listed in the film’s credits.

Tyke the Elephant was captured in the savannahs of Zimbabwe and shipped to the United States to work in a traveling circus, where she was routinely disciplined with a sharp hook called an ankus. After 20 years of captivity and torture, Tyke reached her tipping point one day in Honolulu. During the elephant routine under the Big Top, Tyke made her break. She smashed through the railings of the ring and dashed for the exits. She chased after circus clowns and handlers, over-turned cars, busted through a gate and ran onto the streets of Honolulu. She was gunned down, while still wearing her rhinestone tiara.

Then there is the story of Tilikum the orca. When he was two, Tilikum was rudely seized from the frigid waters of the North Atlantic off the coast of Iceland. The young killer whale was shipped to Vancouver Island, where he was forced to perform tricks at an aquatic theme park called Sealand. Tilikum was also pressed into service as a stud, siring numerous calves for exploitation by his captors. Tilikum shared his small tank with two other orcas, Nootka and Haida. In February 1991, the whales’ female trainer slipped and fell into the tank. The whales wasted no time. The woman grabbed, submerged repeatedly, and tossed her back and forth between the three whales until she drowned. At the time of the killing, Haida was pregnant with a calf sired by Tilikum

Eight years later, a 27-year-old man broke into the aquatic park, stripped off his clothes and jumped into the tank with Tilikum. The orca seized the man, bit him sharply and flung him around. He was found floating dead in the pool the next morning. The authorities claimed the man died of hypothermia.

In 2010, Tilikum was a star attraction at Sea World in Orlando. During an event called “Dining With Shamu,” Tilikum snatched his trainer, Dawn Brancheau, and dragged her into the pool, where, in front of horrified patrons, he pinned her to the bottom until she drowned to death. The whale had delivered his third urgent message.

Tilikum is the Nat Turner of the captives of Sea World. He has struck courageous blows against the enslavement of wild creatures. Now it is up to us to act on his thrust for liberation and build a global movement to smash forever these aquatic gulags from the face of the Earth.

This essay is the introduction to Fear of the Animal Planet by Jason Hribal.

Jeffrey St. Clair is the author of Been Brown So Long It Looked Like Green to Me: the Politics of Nature and Grand Theft Pentagon. His newest book, Born Under a Bad Sky, is published by AK Press / CounterPunch books. He can be reached at: sitka@comcast.net.

Sources

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Boguet, Henri. An Examen of Witches. Trans. E.A. Ashwin. Portrayer Pub. (2002)

Castillo, Hugo P. “Captive Marine Mammals in South America,” Whales Alive!, Vol. 7, No. 1 (1998)

Chaucer, Geoffrey. The Tales of Canterbury. Ed. Robert Pratt. Houghton Mifflin. (1974)

Coe, Sue and Cockburn, Alexander. Dead Meat. Running Press. (1996)

Cohen, Esther. Law, Folklore and Animal Lore. Past and Present 110. (1986)

Darnton, Robert. The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History. Penguin. (1985)

Davis, Susan. Spectacular Nature: Corporate Culture and the Sea World Experience. University of California. (1997)

Dubois-Desaulle, Gaston. Bestiality: an Historical, Medical, Legal and Literary Study. Panurge. (1933)

Evans, E. P. The Criminal Prosecution and Capital Punishment of Animal. Faber and Faber. (1987)

Ferrero, William. “Crime Among Animals.” Forum, 20. (1895)

Finkelstein, J.J. “The Ox That Gored.” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 71. (1981)

Frazer, James G. Folklore in the Old Testament. Tudor. (1923)

Girgen, Jen. “The Historical and Contemporary Prosecution of Animals.” Animal Law. Vol. 9:97. (2003)

Humphrey, Nicholas. The Mind Made Flesh. Oxford University Press, (2002)

Hyde, W. W. “The Prosecution and Punishment of Animals and Lifeless Things in the Middle Ages and Modern Times.” University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 64, 7, 690-730. (1914)

Lovejoy, Arthur. The Great Chain of Being: a Study of the History of an Idea. Harvard University Press. (1936)

Ovid. The Metamorphosis. Trans. Charles Martin. Norton. (2005)

Peterson, Dale and Goodall, Jane. Visions of Caliban: On Chimpanzees and Humans. University of Georgia Press. (1993)

Salisbury, Joyce. The Beast Within: Animals in the Middle Ages. Routeledge. (1994)

Serpell, James. In the Company of Animals. Oxford University Press. (1986)

Singer, Peter. Animal Liberation: a New Ethics for Our Treatment of Animals. Random House. (1975)

–. “Heavy Petting.” Nerve. (2001)

Tester, Keith. Animals and Society: the Humanity of Animal Rights. Routledge. (1991)

Thomas, Keith. Man and the Natural World. Oxford University Press. (1983)

–. Religion and the Decline of Magic. Oxford University Press. (1970)

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Glenn Beck’s Absurd Jerusalem Rally: Why Religious Conservatives Are Obsessed With Israel

By Joshua Holland, AlterNet

Beck (third from left) sporting the obligatory yarmulke. Compared to Beck, Elmer Gantry was brimming with principles.

Conservative huckster Glenn Beck is packing up his white board and floppy clown shoes and heading to Jerusalem, where he hopes to inspire the world to join him in scuttling any hope of a two-state solution to the 60-year-old Israel-Palestine conflict.

Of late, Beck has been making some mention of Israel on his show every day. He just returned from a “fact-finding” trip to the Holy Land, he’s reportedly making a movie about the Jewish state, and this week he announced that he’ll be holding a “restoring courage” rally in Jerusalem this summer, where he hopes his legion of devoted fans will take few days out of their retirements to join him.

Beck “thinks disaster is imminent for Israel, because of a ‘two state solution that cuts off Jerusalem’ from the world.” “God is involved in man’s affairs, but so is the force of darkness,” he continued. “I believe I’ve been asked to stand in Jerusalem. Many in the history of man have had the opportunity to stand with the Jewish people…and they have failed.”

But Beck will succeed, because what the Middle East really needs is more slavish tribalism.

It’s the stuff of comedy – Loathsome American Protagonist Saves the Holy Land! – but Beck’s newfound adoration for Israel represents a convergence of right-wing ideologies that is in fact quite dangerous. Beck’s trying to turn an audience of very low-information viewers into hawkish “pro-Israel” hardliners who will “stand with Israel” even against long-standing US foreign policy — they’ll support more settlements and oppose the “roadmap” if their beloved leader tells them to. And the region already has ample rejectionists on both sides.

In one sense, Beck is trying to undo some of the damage after his relentless, anti-Semitic-tinged attacks on George Soros were condemned by observers across the political spectrum. As Anthea Butler noted, Beck’s “obsessions with Jews, from his attacks on George Soros, to his statement that Reform Judaism was like radical Islam, have brought the religious huckster condemnation and scorn,” and he now “wants to prove himself a true ‘friend’ of Israel with this rally.”

But Beck is also jumping on what has become an almost fetishistic “support” for Israel among much of the American Right in recent years. This is generally ascribed to conservative evangelists’ end-times theology, and indeed Beck is going to be the keynote speaker for this year’s Christians United for Israel (CUFI) summit in Washington, DC. CUFI is the brainchild of televangelist John Hagee, who has emerged as the most visible face of the conservative Christian faction of the “Israel lobby.”

Beck is a Mormon, and as Joanna Brooks wrote at Religion Dispatches, “Mormons may diverge from Hagee on some details of the last days (Mormon theology is usually characterized as premillenialist) but we do read the Book of Revelation.”

And in Mormon end-times scenarios, we don’t call them “witnesses”: they are described as apostles, or even prophets. Invading armies of Gentiles bent on the destruction of Israel will kill the two apostles, and their murdered bodies will lie dead in the streets of Jerusalem for three days without a decent burial. And then the Mount of Olives will split open. And then Jesus will return. That’s how Beck’s guru, the LDS ultra-conservative Cleon Skousen described it in 1972.

But appeals to the rapture-ready don’t tell the whole story. According to years of opinion polls, Americans don’t follow foreign affairs closely (three years after our invasion of Iraq, two-thirds of young people couldn’t find the country on a map), yet Gallup tells us the partisan gap between Americans whose sympathies rest with the Israelis or the Palestinians is at an all-time high.

Taken together, it appears that one’s “support for Israel” is becoming a proxy in our own nasty political divide. If Democrats, the international community and old-school Republican moderates favor a negotiated settlement to the dispute, it must be anti-American. Such is the Right’s own brand of tribalism – and Beck has become a trusted touchstone for his millions of followers.

But it’s important to understand that claiming to support Israel and actually doing so are two entirely separate things. Led by one of the most right-wing governments in its young history, Israel is isolating itself on the world stage with its intransigence over settlements and hard-line resistance to the international “peace process” (whatever that may be worth at this point). Supporting that stance is like giving your alcoholic friend a bottle of hooch – he or she may feel supported, but it’s not in their best interest over the long term.

As MJ Rosenberg notes, “There is hardly a mainstream political figure in Israel, dead or living (including current Defense Minister Ehud Barak and former Prime Ministers Yitzhak Rabin, Shimon Peres, Ariel Sharon and Ehud Olmert), who hasn’t evinced the belief that Israel cannot survive if it maintains the occupation of the lands taken in 1967.”

But that is the policy supported by right-wingers like Beck. They don’t admire Israel because of its intrinsic qualities but because they view it as fighting the good fight against the people they most despise: Arabs and Muslims. They will happily fight to the last Israeli in a struggle they view as part of the “War on Terror.” If Israel is sacrificed in the name of that goal, so what? There are more important things to the right than the survival of one little Jewish country….

For Beck, what’s really important is his $40 million annual take and fledgling media empire. Forbes just ranked the former rodeo clown as its 30th most powerful celebrity.

Joshua Holland is an editor and senior writer at AlterNet. He is the author of The 15 Biggest Lies About the Economy (and Everything else the Right Doesn’t Want You to Know About Taxes, Jobs and Corporate America). Drop him an email or follow him on Twitter.

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Factory Farms Produce 100 Times More Waste Than All People In the US Combined and It’s Killing Our Drinking Water

David Kirby, author of Animal Factory, The Looming Threat of Industrial Pig, Dairy, and Poultry Farms to Humans and the Environment, tells story after story in his book of factory farms discharging waste irresponsibly — sometimes on purpose, and sometimes not. As Karen Hudson, whose story is told in the book, says, “Factory farms are dangerous to the environment; they are ticking time bombs of manure just waiting to be spilled into public waters.”

The simple fact is that factory farms produce over 100 times more waste than all American humans produce combined. In the past, a pastured cow might disperse waste over an acre or more; how can farmers responsibly deal with the waste of 1,000, 5,000, or even 10,000 or more animals when they are crammed in tightly together? And, unfortunately for the farmers, they are often working under contract for major meat or dairy conglomerates who own the animals and leave the farmer with a tiny profit margin (or none at all) — plus all of the liability, dead animals and manure. Therefore, in addition to simply disposing of manure responsibly, they also need to dispose of it cheaply if they are to stay in business.

In Karen’s story, the CAFO in question perhaps did not intend to discharge manure. The farmer, if given the choice, may not have decided to apply for a permit. In February 2001, heavy rains coupled with melting snow and ice raised the levels of the nearby megadairy’s manure lagoon to just inches below the rim. Panicking, the farmer, David Inskeep, decided not to hire tankers to haul away his cows’ waste, as investigators had ordered him to do. Instead he ran hoses from the lagoon to a nearby ravine over a mile away and pumped two million gallons of “a foamy, brown-yellow stew” into it. The 10-foot-high berm that dammed the ravine gave way, and the result was “the worst livestock spill in Illinois history.”

The permits in question in the recently decided case would require farmers like Inskeep to make a plan for how to handle animal waste, and to follow that plan or face penalties. A version of this law has been in place for decades, but the details of the law have changed several times in the last few years. The major question of the case is: Can a CAFO be held liable for failing to apply for a permit?

Under a 1976 rule, all large CAFOs (those with more than 1,000 cattle or equivalent amounts of other species) and some medium-sized CAFOs were required to have permits to discharge waste. If a CAFO discharged waste without a permit, it faced civil or criminal penalties. The only permissible, unregulated pollution was “agricultural stormwater discharges,” when a storm carried animal waste into navigable rivers.

This changed in 2003, when a new rule required all CAFOs to apply for permits or to ask the EPA for a “no potential to discharge” determination to become exempt from needing a permit. Additionally, the 2003 rule required all CAFOs to design and implement a “Nutrient Management Plan” (i.e. a plan to responsibly deal with animal waste). So long as the farmer followed his or her Nutrient Management Plan, any pollution of waterways was to be included in the “agricultural stormwater discharges” exemption.

After some legal wrangling, both by industrial farming interests and by environmental groups, the rules were changed again in 2008. The 2008 rule only requires CAFOs to apply for a permit if they are “designed, constructed, operated, and maintained in a manner such that the CAFO will discharge.” Unless a CAFO can prove it does not meet that criteria (and thus does not need a permit), a discharge of manure would result in penalties both for the discharge itself and for failure to have a permit.

The recent court decision ruled that the EPA has no right to require CAFOs to apply for permits unless they actually discharge waste. Once a CAFO discharges waste, however, the court decided that the EPA can then require it to apply for a permit.

The industrial farming groups — the National Pork Producers Council, the American Farm Bureau Federation, the Oklahoma Pork Council, United Egg Producers, the North Carolina Pork Council, the National Chicken Council, the U.S. Poultry & Egg Association, Dairy Business Association Inc., and the National Milk Producers Federation — also challenged the EPA’s right to force CAFOs to design and implement Nutrient Management Plans and to penalize them if the plans are not followed and waste is discharged into waterways. On this issue, the court sided with the EPA.

What is the impact of this decision? Could it perhaps have no impact at all, as the CAFOs exempted from applying for permits are those that are not polluting? Sadly, this is likely not the case. By forcing CAFOs to apply for a permit, the EPA was forcing them to create a plan to manage the large amounts of waste their animals would inevitably generate. Without planning ahead for responsibly disposing of manure, how many CAFOs will wait until the last minute, like Inskeep, and then dump millions of gallons of manure into the environment? Even though the EPA will still be able to penalize them once they do, the damage to the environment will already be done.

These are not hypothetical scenarios. Just ask Rick Dove, an ex-Marine who serves as a Riverkeeper on his beloved Neuse River in North Carolina. After retiring from the Marines, he lived his dream of becoming a small-scale commercial fisherman on the river briefly — until enormous hog operations moved in, each producing as much waste as a town of 20,000 people, and their waste killed the fish.

Dove has seen hog farmers oversaturating their “sprayfields” — cropland intended to absorb the unfathomable amount of manure generated by the hogs — resulting in contamination of local waterways, but he has also seen the farmers illegally dumping the manure directly into the rivers. And then he’s seen the Neuse turn red, green, yellow, orange, and black with various types of algae blooms that precede fish kills that kill millions or even a billion fish at a time.

In addition to irresponsible spraying or dumping of manure, there are the many lagoon spills that occur. In these cases, farmers likely have no intention of dumping manure into the environment, but it happens all the same. Kirby says that when writing his book, “there were so many lagoon spills that my editor had me take some out.” And because such spills are accidents, farmers won’t necessarily apply for permits ahead of time, since they don’t intend to discharge manure.

The losers in this story are not just “tree-hugging” environmentalists or even fishermen. In far too many cases, the losers are drinkers of water — which is all of us.

Jill Richardson is the founder of the blog La Vida Locavore and a member of the Organic Consumers Association policy advisory board. She is the author of Recipe for America: Why Our Food System Is Broken and What We Can Do to Fix It..

© 2011 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.

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Welcome to the violent world of Mr. Hopey Changey

In his latest column for the New Statesman, John Pilger describes a new colonial phase as the Western powers seek to turn back the Arab revolution that began in January. The newly endowed 'warrior president' is leading the charge.




The Spanish elections and the revolutionary movement

The main banner says it all: “We demand REAL democracy!” “Were not chattel of politicians or bankers.”

Written by Alan Woods Monday, 23 May 2011

It leaps across frontiers, defying all barriers, it laughs at the threats and curses of the ruling class and it sweeps aside the forces of the state. It cannot be halted. The mass protests that are spreading from one country to another have caught all the forces of the old society by surprise. They do not know how to react. If they do nothing, the movement grows, but if they attempt to crush it, it will grow much more rapidly.

In Spain tens of thousands of people have taken to the streets over the last week. In demonstrations that seemed to come from nowhere, demonstrators filled city plazas all over Spain in a wave of outrage over government austerity policies and high unemployment rates. The “experts” were taken completely off guard. Where had this movement come from? The youth is apolitical, they said; the youth is apathetic. For years people have been patient, suffering in silence the impositions of different governments. This created the optical illusion that people, especially young people, were “apathetic” and indifferent to politics. But this supposed indifference was only in relation to the existing parties, not to politics per se.

It took a severe economic slump to bring this mood of anger to the surface. But the anger was already there beneath the surface. Superficial bourgeois commentators did not see this because they confine themselves to superficial observation. They see only the surface but are blind to the contradictions and processes that are unfolding beneath the surface.

Overnight, this supposed indifference has changed into its opposite. A new kind of politics is born: the politics of the street. This is regarded with horror by the ladies and gentlemen sitting in the Cortes, who regard themselves as the supreme – indeed the only – representatives of the Nation. But the real Nation is not in the Cortes. It is the working class and the youth of Spain.

A conflict of generations?

Protests have sprung up in over 150 towns and cities. It is a cry for change, an outpouring of indignation of people who feel that nobody represents them and nobody listens to them. The crowds camped out in Madrid and across Spain are not demonstrating against this government but against the system and the whole political class that upholds it.

The young revolutionaries want to maintain order in the Puerta del Sol, to avoid the accusations of “anarchy” and “hooliganism”. There is a crèche, a kitchen area and even, it seems, a vegetable patch. The protest organisers have urged those taking part not to confront the police, and have tried to discourage the distribution of alcohol. “It’s a revolution, not a drinking party,” read one sign. Brooms donated by supporters are being used to keep the square clean. But a far bigger broom will be needed to clean out the Augean stables of the bourgeois political regime.The movement in Spain began with the youth. Naturally! It is the youth that carries on its shoulders the main burden of the crisis of capitalism. It is the youth whose future is being taken away by a decrepit and palsied system. It is the youth that has nothing to lose and a world to gain by fighting. And it is the youth that is prepared to fight.

But this is much more than a movement of the youth. This is not, as some cynics have tried to depict it, a “conflict of generations”. It is not a struggle of the young against the old. It is a reflection of a general mood of discontent in society, felt by young and old alike. They are frustrated by mass unemployment, angry at the financial markets controlling government policy and indignant at with wide-scale corruption:

“I’m happy that they’re finally protesting. It was about time,” Maria, an elderly woman visiting her grandson in the Puerta del Sol told the BBC ”They want to leave us without public health and public education,” says another. “Half of our youth is unemployed and they have raised the age of retirement,” someone else adds. And everyone says: “We are having to pay for an economic crisis that we didn’t cause but which was provoked by the banks.”

“Spain is not a business. We are not slaves,” read one of the hundreds of protest posters glued to the Puerta del Sol’s metro station walls. That is the real voice of the Spanish people. This is a movement that contains within itself all that is alive, all that is healthy, all that represents hope for the future.  It is a struggle of the living forces of society against the dead and decaying forces of the old order. It is the emergence of a New World that is struggling to be born.

The revolt is spreading

The movement is not confined to Spain. The Guardian warns that “a youth-led rebellion is spreading across southern Europe as a new generation of protesters takes possession of squares and parks in cities around Spain, united by a rejection of mainstream politicians and fury over spending cuts.”

A lot of young people have been forced to leave Spain precisely because of the situation. And they want to protest too. Demonstrations have been arranged for outside the Spanish embassy in London and in other European cities. The Spanish example is being followed in Italy where protests are also planned in Florence and other Italian cities, including Rome and Milan.

Italy so far has not been forced into the sort of austerity measures imposed on Spain, Portugal, Greece and Ireland. But its economy has barely grown in the past 10 years and there is increasing evidence of exasperation with its billionaire prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi. The tag #italianrevolution has already appeared on Twitter.

Nor is the ferment confined to the countries of southern Europe, In the last few days the signs of popular discontent and anger are surfacing in one country after another. In Georgia thousands of opposition supporters have poured onto the streets of Tblisi to demand the resignation pf President Mikhail Saakashvili. The demonstrators gathered outside the parliament, before marching on to the presidential palace, where they plan to hold an ongoing protest.

Correspondents say turnout is falling and the opposition seems increasingly unsure of how to continue its campaign. After a brief pause on Sunday, more than 20,000 opposition supporters returned to the Georgian parliament building for a fifth day, chanting “Misha, Go!” They again blocked the capital’s main street, cheered on the main opposition leaders and began to march on the presidential palace.

The movement has spread to the Czech Republic, where the trade unions have held a major demonstration on Prague’s Wenceslas square. According to organisers and the police more than 40,000 people came out to protest government reform plans. The demonstrators were protesting against the government’s wide-ranging reforms in the health care, tax, social security and pension systems that will hit Czech workers, pensioners and the disabled.

In occupied Iraq Friday May 20, 2011 saw another round of protests in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square. The people are demanding jobs and services, but now they are focusing their anger on the government of Nouri al-Maliki. A banner was seen entitled “Title Of The Play: Corrupt Government.” Another called for the end of arbitrary arrests by the security forces. Still larger protests are expected in June.

Last but by no means least, two weeks ago thousands of teachers, social workers, union members and others took to the streets of New York in a march against Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s plans for wide-ranging budget cuts, and against the Wall Street bankers they blame for the city’s budget deficit.

Activists reported that the NYPD had arrested several marchers, but the demonstration remained cheerful, with colourful signs and raucous chants. The demonstration, called by the May 12 Coalition, gathered together at least 10,000 marchers. Thousands came from the United Federation of Teachers (UFT), which faces more than 4,000 teacher cuts if Bloomberg’s budget is enacted.

Michael Mulgrew, UFT President laid the blame for the budget cuts squarely at Bloomberg and Wall Street’s feet: “Wall Street recovered, hedge funds got stimulated, and now they want to lay off teachers and close day care centres,” Mulgrew said. “We’re going where they sent the money,” he said of the march.

Organizers claimed the city could prevent budget cuts by reinstating the state’s “Millionaire Tax,” ending subsidies for large companies that failed to meet job-creation. This event was a demonstration not just against the Bloomberg budget plan but also as an effort to “make the banks pay.”

This demonstration follows the militant movement of the workers of Wisconsin, which was directly inspired by the Egyptian Revolution. Randi Weingarten, president of the UFT’s parent organization, the American Federation of Teachers, noted she has travelled the country in the past few months fighting against teacher cuts in states across the nation. “I never expected to come home to see New York act like Wisconsin,” she told the crowd.

Ban defied

At least 30,000 people packed the Puerta del Sol plaza in the heart of Madrid on Friday night. This was their answer to the attempt of the government to ban the demonstrations, citing a law against “political events” on the eve of elections. The law went into effect at midnight on Friday, but the demonstrators remained defiant and the authorities could do nothing. Spanish law forbids political rallies on the day before elections to allow for a “day of reflection”. But the people of Spain are reflecting as never before on the state of society. They are not only reflecting – they are acting to change an intolerable situation.

But as the ban came into effect, the crowds stayed put and police did not try to disperse them. The electoral commission had ordered them to leave ahead of local elections on Sunday. But although the legislation was upheld by the supreme and constitutional courts, the police were not able to clamp down on the demonstrations. They remained on the sidelines, mere observers of the events unfolding before their eyes.  By their actions they have shown that no law written on paper can withstand the power of the masses, once they are mobilized for action.

Earlier in the week, electoral authorities in the Madrid region denied an official request by the organisers to hold a rally in the Puerta del Sol from 8:00 pm last Wednesday. The election authority refused the request, hiding behind the excuse that it was not submitted with 24 hours’ notice as required by law and the argument that the demonstration “could affect the electoral campaign and the freedom of citizens with the right to vote”. The fact that this decision negates the right of citizens to demonstrate was conveniently ignored.

It looked as if the government would order the police to break up the crowds in city squares across the country after setting a deadline for people to disperse by midnight on Friday.  But as the deadline approached, Vice President Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba displayed growing indecision about how the government should deal with the protesters. Initially he said the government would ”enforce the law,” but he then toned down this stance, saying, ”The police are not going to resolve one problem by creating another.”

What was the “other problem” that caused Rubalcaba to hesitate? It was the fear that any attempt to break up the protest by force could provoke a social explosion. At the stroke of midnight officers kept a discreet presence on the edges of protests in Madrid. About 15 police vehicles took up positions in and around the square on Wednesday evening but police took no action and the police presence diminished later. Demonstrators kept quiet as city clocks chimed the beginning of a new day, many with sticky tape over their mouths in a gesture to tell the world they had things to say but were being gagged by the state.

A turn to the right?

The elections resulted in a complete debacle for the PSOE. The Socialist vote experienced a sharp drop in its two most powerful bases: Andalusia, where it lost in all the capital cities and Catalonia, where the PSC (Socialists’ Party of Catalonia) lost Barcelona, where it has ruled since 1979. The PSOE also lost Castilla-La Mancha, which it has ruled since 1983. They may even lose Asturias if the Foro Asturias party (FAC ) reaches a pact with the PP.

Pessimists will say that the Spanish election results indicate a “turn to the right”. They will moan about the “low level of consciousness of the masses”. These people are always ready to blame the working class for their own impotence. They understand less than nothing of the real processes at work in society.

The truth is that the election results were entirely predictable. The policies of reformism can never survive the crisis of capitalism. The bourgeoisie crack the whip, and the Social Democrats immediately jump to attention. In their haste to save the system, they forget all about reforms and pass onto counter-reforms.

Reformism with reforms makes sense to the workers. But reformism without reforms – reformism with counter-reforms, cuts and austerity, makes no sense at all. This causes disappointment and disillusionment among the workers, who punish the government by withholding their votes. This has the additional advantage of discrediting the idea of “socialism” in the eyes of the middle class.

We have pointed out many times that the present situation will be characterised by violent swings of public opinion – to the left and also to the right. When the Social Democrats are in power, the right wing opposition blames the “socialists” for falling living standards, rising prices and taxes and unemployment. The right-wing argues demagogically: “You see what these Reds have brought you? They have brought the country to its knees.”

The workers of Spain have delivered a crushing vote of no confidence on a government that has toed the line of the bankers and capitalists. However, this cannot be depicted as a victory for the right. Although the Conservative PP won a victory in regional and municipal elections yesterday, its votes hardly increased – just two points more than in 2007. These elections were not won by the PP, but lost by the PSOE, whose vote collapsed by 4.5 million.

The right wing can use the discontent of the middle class to whip up reactionary moods on immigration, terrorism and other issues. This explains the increased votes for the PP. The surprise is not that that their vote went up. The only surprise is that it went up by so little. In Madrid capital where the PP has been in power for years, its vote actually went down.

The outcome was decided by the millions who did not vote or voted “blank”: the workers and youth who felt betrayed by the Zapatero government and stayed at home – or in the Puerta del Sol. The “indecisos e indignados” (the undecided and indignant ones) reflected a general mood of disgust with the existing parties and institutions. In Euskadi, Bildu, the electoral front of the radical Basque Left, got a strong result and displaced the PSOE in second place, achieving first place in Guipúzcoa, and also getting a remarkable result in Navarra. The abertzales are seen by many as a more radical and left alternative to the reformist policies of the PSOE.

Which way for the Left?

The same phenomenon is occurring across the EU. Since the beginning of crisis, all the existing governments have been punished at the polls, but the Left has not gained in the same proportion. We must ask why. Why is it that the Communist Parties, which would in the past have been the natural beneficiaries of a collapse of the Social Democrat vote, have not done so.

It is to the credit of United Left leader Cayo Lara that he has joined the demonstrations and supported them. It is also a fact that the United Left increased its vote by 200,000 in these elections. This shows that there is a potential for the recovery of the Left vote. But the question that must be answered is: why did the Left not win more seats?

In these elections the PSOE has seen its votes sink to the level of 1979. At that time the Spanish Communist Party (the PCE) still disputed hegemony on the Left with the PSOE and accounted for a big share of the vote. But after decades of opportunist politics, the PCE has lost its mass following. The electoral coalition to which it belongs, the United Left (IU) was only able to register a slight increase – just one point – despite the socialist debacle, and lost its bastion in Cordoba.

In a situation where the combined “blank vote” and spoiled vote amounted to almost a million, why did the IU candidates not succeed in attracting these votes? The leaders of the Communist Parties have tried to be “respectable”. They have discarded all mention of socialism, class struggle and revolution. In many cases they have abandoned the very name Communism. They have done their best to imitate the Social Democrats and be as similar to them as possible.

They have become so enmeshed in “institutional politics” that in the minds of many workers and youth they are almost indistinguishable from the others. We see this very clearly in those areas where the United Left was minority partners in coalitions with the PSOE. In these areas the IU was severely castigated by the voters.

This is the punishment for decades of opportunism and reformism. The workers and youth would understand a small Communist Party that stood in elections, fighting on clear Communist policies. But workers are practical people. If there are two “left” parties, one bigger, the other smaller, and there is no fundamental difference in their programme and policies, they will vote for the larger of the two (the “useful vote”), and the smaller will tend to disappear.

We have seen this happen in one country after another: in Italy, France and Spain. It is a supreme irony of history that precisely at a moment in history when capitalism is in a deep crisis, when the Social Democracy is losing support because of its pro-capitalist policies, and when large numbers of young people are coming onto the streets to fight capitalism, the Communist Parties are not seen as a revolutionary alternative, but only as the fifth wheel in the cart of reformism.

We must tell the truth. The Left has shown itself to be completely unprepared for these events. Too many leaders have allowed themselves to be infected by a mood of scepticism. They have lost all faith in the ability of the ordinary working class people to change society. They have abandoned any perspective of socialism and reconciled themselves to the petty politics of “gradual change”, “realism” and “pragmatism”. That is to say, they have reconciled themselves to the maintenance of the existing order.

Too many members of the so-called “vanguard” have convinced themselves that socialist revolution is impossible. They try to convince the youth that communism is an impossible utopia; that we must be cautious, not go too far, and so on and so forth. They imagine that they know more than the youth because they have lost the old fire. How can such people inspire any confidence or enthusiasm in the young people who are looking for a revolutionary way out?

The only way to find a road to the new militant layers who are seeking the revolutionary road is to present them with a real perspective for social revolution. It is necessary to return to the genuine ideas of Communism, the ideas of Marx and Lenin. On that basis, and on that basis alone, the Communists can find common ground and a common language with the new generations that are willing to fight capitalism but need a clear programme, policy and strategy.

What now?

The results of the Spanish elections will be a shock to many people, including those in the Puerta del Sol. The movement of rebellion on the streets will almost certainly die down for a while. What the organizers consider to be its strong point – its spontaneous character – is also its weakest point. In order to go further it needs to be organized and armed with a revolutionary programme and a scientific perspective. Above all it needs to be linked firmly to the workers’ movement, which alone can bring about a fundamental change in society.

May 20, Madrid. Photo: Koke

The elections indicated a massive rejection of the economic policies implemented by the Socialist Government. José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero explained that he has “paid a very high price” for these policies. But a far higher price has been paid by the millions of Spaniards who find themselves without a job. Last night he ruled out early elections and said he will “work to strengthen the recovery”. This means more of the same.This is a certain recipe for defeat in the general elections of 2012. The headline in today’s Publicois: “The PSOE collapses as a result of its right turn.” And the subhead of El Pais is: “The PSOE paves Rajoy’s path to the Moncloa with an unprecedented defeat”. This appraisal is correct. It seems likely that the PP will form the next government. But they will do so under conditions of deep social and economic crisis.

The outlook for the whole of Europe is uncertain, and after Greece, Ireland and Portugal, Spain stands exposed as the next weak link in the chain. The International Monetary Fund has warned that the euro zone debt crisis could spread across the region unless European countries step up efforts to “fix their banks”. In its latest economic outlook for Europe, the IMF said that the debt crisis in Greece, Portugal and Ireland could affect the wider euro zone by hitting bank lending and delivering a confidence shock, despite the “rescue packages” that are already in place:

“Financial linkages between countries with sovereign debt troubles and the rest of Europe could potentially pose more risk to the outlook,” the IMF said on Thursday. “Restoring fiscal health, squarely addressing weak banks, and implementing structural reforms to restore competitiveness are key.”

This means in plain language: you must pour more billions into the banks and finance this by slashing “wasteful public spending” on such things as hospitals, schools and pensions. The PSOE tried to avoid this, but finally was forced to carry out the dictates of big business. But a PP government will carry out these policies with gusto from the first moment.

The demagogy of the PP will soon be exposed as Spain’s economic crisis goes from bad to worse. The middle class will soon discover that they are even worse off with the PP than with the Socialists. The agitation of the youth will be intensified. And the workers who were reluctant to seek a confrontation with the government of the PSOE will have no qualms of conscience about fighting the PP.

The more far sighted representatives of Capital look to the future with foreboding. In Spain the ruling class is pushing for Zapatero to stay in power. They realize that a PP government will lead to an open clash between the classes that they are anxious to postpone, while squeezing Zapatero like a lemon. However, the PP leaders are greedy for power and pressing for early elections. Cinco Dias, the Spanish business daily has warned the PP not to take advantage of their victory in the local elections to reveal the bad debts of local councils, for fear of causing panic on the money markets.

The perspective is for an intensification of the class struggle. Hans Jörg Sinn, one of the main bourgeois economic analysts in Germany is warning of a civil war in Greece. The same can be true in Spain and other countries of southern Europe. Through bitter experience the workers will rediscover the revolutionary traditions of the past. The movement on the streets in Spain over the last week is only a dress rehearsal for even more dramatic events that will transform the entire situation.

ALAN WOODS is a senior political theoretician and activist currently affiliated with the socialist website In Defense of Marxism.

London, 23 May

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