Protect dolphins from slaughter

BY IRA FISCHER


WWW.IRAFISCHER.COM

Autumn marks the start of the dolphin hunting season off the coast of Japan.

Whalers, equipped with dragnets, harpoons and machetes, set out to sea in a “drive hunt” for dolphins. Once a pod is spotted, the hunters surround the dolphins with their boats and bang on metal poles that panic these acoustically sensitive animals. The hunters then force the disoriented dolphins toward shore where they are pinned against the coastline by nets. Once entrapped, they are kept at bay for inspection by agents of the marine mammal exhibition industry, which pays tens of thousands of dollars each for “show” dolphins.

Dolphins sold to marine parks are removed from their habitat and never again will they be free to swim and socialize with their pod. Instead, they are doomed to a life in captivity where they must perform tricks to survive. The trademark smile and the playful nature of dolphins, who are among the most intelligent animals on the planet, belies the predicament that they must endure in confinement.

The “surplus” dolphins (i.e., those not purchased by operators of dolphin exhibits) are not released back to the sea. Instead, they are slaughtered, for sale as food or fertilizer, by stabbing them with long knives, usually just behind the blowhole or across the throat, causing the animals to die from blood loss and hemorrhagic shock, or their spinal cord is severed. The maimed and dyeing dolphins thrash about and writhe as they try to escape, but there is no escape from the bloodbath.

The carnage off the coast of Japan had been a carefully guarded secret, until the Academy Award winning documentary The Cove exposed the horrifying truths behind the hunting of dolphins. The Japanese Times reports that the Japanese government allows about 19,000 dolphins to be killed each year. Yet, despite the magnitude of the killing and its gruesome nature, the International Whaling Commission has failed to take any action because, they say, dolphins are not included in its list of protected cetaceans.

Given inaction by the IWC, Congress should take measures to protect dolphins from being hunted. Congress has the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and can ban the importation of products in order to effectuate policy objectives. The International Dolphin Conservation Program Act, which bans the importation of certain products in connection with the use of purse seine tuna fishing nets to reduce the incidental killing of dolphins, is a prime example of Congress enacting trade measures to protect marine mammals.

It is imperative that Congress amend the Marine Mammal Protection Act to prohibit the importation of dolphins, or dolphin products, taken as a result of hunting or any capture method that involves the killing of dolphins. The brunt of the economic impact of such legislation would be felt on the lucrative sale of “show” dolphins. A crucial side effect would be to marginalize the profitability of the dolphin slaughter business of the targeted fisheries.

With respect to the supply of dolphins for the exhibition industry, current sourcing methods can be replaced with a protocol whereby these magnificent creatures are obtained solely from certifiable rescue programs. Such a paradigm would serve the goal of affording sick and injured dolphins sanctuary, while not holding captive those capable of surviving at sea.

Hopefully, operators of dolphin ventures will see fit to reform their business models such that the beauty and grace of these remarkable beings can simply be observed in a serene environment compatible with their acoustical sensitivities. This new paradigm offers hope of making the dual stains on our legacy of dolphin captivity and dolphin slaughter a thing of the past.



Ira Fischer is an attorney-at-law in Delray Beach. He devotes his retirement to the cause of animal welfare through advocacy.

 

 

Read more: http://www.miamiherald.com/2011/10/03/2437069/protect-dolphins-from-slaughter.html#ixzz1aWTd9SvR


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Decline of the American Left

By Steven Jonas, Senior Editor

Oct. 11, 2011

In The New York Times “Sunday Review” of Sept. 25, 2011, Michael Kazin, a co-editor of Dissent magazine, published an article entitled “Whatever Happened to the American Left?”  It is drawn from a new book of his entitled American Dreamers: How the Left Changed a Nation.  In the article (full disclosure: I have not read the book, only the review that appeared in The Times Sunday Book Review on Sept. 18) Mr. Kazin attributed the aforementioned decline to a number of factors.  They included: unlike the (relatively) powerful left of the 1930s, the modern left, unlike the modern Right, has not been germinating for very long; in the 1970s they started leaving traditional “left” issues such as “class justice” for such things as rights for minorities and women; the failed promises of the Democratic Party, post pre-Viet Nam Lyndon Johnson; dependence on “politicians;” and “not reconnecting with ordinary Americans.”  So, you see, the “decline of the US left” is all the left’s fault.  

<<< IMAGE: The legendary Big Bill Haywood, head of the I.W.W., was one of the earliest combative union leaders in the US.  His kind has not been seen for almost 100 years, but the sorry state of American trade unions is not so much a product of their own flaws, as the inevitable result of an all-out never-ending assault on workers by private capital using all the forces and tools of the state, which they naturally control.

Well, historical developments like the decline, indeed the virtual disappearance of any real, socialistically-oriented left as real as its cousin, the “liberal/progressive” left, don’t happen in an historical vacuum.  Indeed in this case it would appear that what the Right-wing, Corporate Power has done to the US left since the height of its power during the New Deal is the primary cause of its decline. Further it would appear that the failure of self-styled US leftists to recognize and come to grips with the amazingly powerful legal, legislative, and propagandistic forces that  the US Corporate Power mobilized against the left, and then organize to oppose it with strength, is also a major cause of the US left’s decline.

Organized left-wings began developing in European constitutional democracies and monarchies in the late 19th century.  In some, like Prussia, the left-wing party(s) appeared before the labor union movement did.  In others, like the United Kingdom, the trade union movement came first, followed by left parliamentary parties.  However, whichever came first, eventually any further successes that the left might have in their parliaments, in forcing concessions on labor relations, on health services, on the structure of work and leisure time, on any other broad-based national social legislation, was built on a base of strong trade union movement.  This is the case in Western Europe down to this very day.

The US Corporate Power has recognized since the time of the New Deal that any ongoing left-wing success in the United States would be built on the back of a strong labor union movement.  Their War on the Unions began the day after the ratification of the National Labor Relations (Wagner) Act in 1938 (collective bargaining had not been legal before then) and has continued down to this very day (see Wisconsin, Michigan, Ohio and etc.)  It was aimed at keeping the unions as weak as possible in terms of collective bargaining but it was also aimed at crippling the US left, at which it has been very successful.  We don’t have the space to consider all of the Corporate Power’s tools over time, but here is a list of the most important ones.

  • The most powerful unions, ever, in the United States, were those of the 1930s-era Congress of Industrial Organizations, the C.I.O.: the United Auto Workers, the United Steel Workers, the United Electrical Workers, the United Mine Workers, and so forth.  Many of these unions had Communists in their leadership. They were not revolutionaries, but they were very effective organizers and negotiators.  The power of those unions that not did not have Communists in their leadership but were actively “anti-communist,” the craft unions of the American Federation of Labor was much less.  It was the C.I.O. that had provided the “push” for many of the New Deal programs, hated by the Corporate Power.  And so that Power went after them first, with the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947.  It put many limits of union structure and organizing ability, but perhaps most importantly it banned Communists from union leadership, removing the most militant of union leadership.
  • Next came McCarthyism, the “anti-communist” hysteria that had both foreign and domestic policy aims.  On the domestic side its primary objective was to be able to taint anyone who put forward any ideas that were opposed to the interests of the Corporate Power as “commies,” and indeed “traitors.”  This has effectively lasted down to this very day: see current GOTP propaganda, listen to Limbaugh and Hannity, see Ann Coulter’s book Treason, branding anyone who did not support GW Bush policy as traitor, treason being a crime that is punishable by death. It had a very broad aim, punishing people for holding left-wing beliefs, not with prison (for the moat part) but with loss of livelihood and profession.
  • McCarthyism, which crippled the US left across the board, beginning in the 1950s, was accompanied by state-level “right-to-work” legislation.  It effectively banned union shops, which led to serious declines in union membership since even at firms where unions had negotiated contracts, workers (often company tools) could opt not to join the union and pay union dues.
  • The very powerful United (coal) Mine Workers, at one time 400,000 strong, were effectively wiped out, as were the railroad unions, by the conversions of inter-city shipping from rail to truck, heavily subsidized in the 1950s by the construction of the Interstate Highway system. 
  • Related also to the decline of the unions, a power in the Democratic Party was the decline of the Democratic Party left, such as it was, following the murder of John F. Kennedy and the decline of Lyndon Johnson into the Big Muddy of Vietnam.  The Democratic Right, which began forming around Henry “Scoop” Jackson, the “Senator from Boeing” (Washington State) abandoned George McGovern in the 1972 election, picked the then very weak and inexperienced Jimmy Carter in 1976, and eventually formed the right-wing Democratic Leadership Council under the leadership of Bill Clinton, et al in the 1980s.  It was Clinton who, for example, when he became President vastly expanded the job and union-killing policy of the free export of capital that had begun in earnest under Reagan.
  • There are many other examples that one could give, down to the present time.  But let me conclude this column with some words from the Editor/Publisher of The Greanville Post and Cyrano’s Journal Online, my dear friend Patrice Greanville:

“The American situation operates within a very powerful propaganda bubble which facilitates everything else. The Corporate Power’s (until recently) unrivaled capacity to infect the American mind with any version of reality they wanted allowed them easier passage to other anti-democratic areas like killing the unions, making the entire political class a fancy bordello, and [perpetuating the mythology that left-wingers are ‘traitors’]. The dominance of business propaganda in this country is key to understanding our situation. All ruling classes tend to have their narrative adopted as “the nation’s” narrative, of course it’s just that in the US we are  supposed to be operating above and beyond such old-world ideological constructs and live in a self-determining democracy.” 

But of course that “democracy” is designed to operate without a true left.  And until people who think that the decline of the left is entirely the fault of the left wake up and realize who the true enemy is, no progress will be made.  This is one instance where Pogo was wrong.  The enemy is them, the Corporate Class, not us.

——————————————————————————————————-

http://tpjmagazine.us/); a columnist for BuzzFlash/Truthout (http://www.buzzflash.com, http://www.truth-out.org/), a Contributor to The Planetary Movement (http://www.planetarymovement.org/); a Contributor to TheHarderStuff newsletter; a Contributor to Op-Ed News.com (http://www.opednews.com/); and a Featured Writer for Dandelion Salad (http://dandelionsalad.wordpress.com/).

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Social Justice Protests Head Everywhere

By Stephen Lendman

Lying to keep wars going is old stuff. General William Westmoreland told Congress and the US public that progress was being made. On Meet the Press on November 19, 1967, he regurgitated the lie, saying he felt confident “within two years or less….we will be able to phase-down the level of our military effort.” 

Ordinary people across the Middle East, Europe and America are fed up and want long denied social justice.

Londoners are enraged about growing social pain, government in the pockets of monied interests, and endless imperial wars they want ended – NOW!   On October 8, The London Guardian headlined, “Stop the War Coalition demo in London marks 10th anniversary of Afghan war,” saying:

Protesters read aloud names of fallen UK soldiers, sacrificing their lives for war profiteer gains. 

Masses “attended the Stop the War Coalition demonstration in Trafalgar Square, led by a former soldier who refused to fight and a 106-year-old peace activist.”

Court martialed and jailed for refusing to serve, Lance Corporal Joe Glenton read a letter to Prime Minister Cameron signed by other former US and UK servicemen, saying: 

“We are making this statement in defiance of the propaganda and lies in support of the so-called war on terror for the last 10 years.”

“We know these wars have nothing to do with democracy or security or women’s rights or peace or stability. They are fought for money and power and nothing else.”

Precisely so! Wars are never for liberation, humanitarian reasons or democratic values. They’re for imperial dominance, colonization, resource and people exploitation, and war profiteering enrichment, no matter the body count to achieve them.

“Our comrades’ blood has lubricated the ambitions of the few,” read Glenton. 

On October 6, Guardian writer Simon Jenkins wrote what’s never seen on US television or broadsheet op-eds, headling: “Vanity, machismo and greed have blinded us to the folly of Afghanistan,” saying:

“Everything about Afghanistan beggars belief. This week,” Washington’s installed puppet leader Karzai “brazenly signed a military agreement with India, knowing it would enrage” Pakistan.

“Meanwhile, in Washington, the Pentagon is exulting over its new strategy of drone killing, claiming this aerial ‘counterterrorism’ ” can win hearts and minds.

In Helmand, British journalists regurgitated the Big Lie about “real progress” being made.

In private meetings, generals admit the war was lost years ago, whatever strategy is used. No matter. Entering its second decade, it’s ongoing endlessly.

War in Afghanistan “has been a catalogue of unrelieved folly….Britain’s part in this has been dire….Democracy has snatched defeat from the arms of victory – without a shred of a reason.”

New York Times and Washington Post editorial writers commemorated the Afghan war’s 10th anniversary with silence. Television reports regurgitated the Big Lie heard in Britain and America about progress being made. 

In his 1995 book, “In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam,” former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara wrote:

“(W)e were wrong, terribly wrong. We owe it to future generations to explain why.”

In 1965, he knew the war was lost and said so, telling Johnson:

“I don’t believe they’re ever going to quit. And I don’t see that we have any plan for victory – militarily or diplomatically.” 

At the same, he ordered dramatic escalation, no matter the futility or lawlessness.

Repeatedly, General William Westmoreland told Congress and the US public that progress was being made. On Meet the Press on November 19, 1967, he regurgitated the lie, saying he felt confident “within two years or less….we will be able to phase-down the level of our military effort.”

Two months later Tet began, convincing Pentagon commanders and growing numbers of Congress that the war was lost. Nonetheless, US troops stayed until Washington ended its involvement unceremoniously with a humiliating Saigon embassy rooftop pullout.

Will Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya end the same way? Will many thousands more die before they do? Will Americans demand they end now? Thousands of Stop the Machine Washington occupiers:

“pledge(d) that if any US troops, contractors, or mercenaries remain in Afghanistan on Thursday, October 6, 2011….I will commit to being in (Washington’s) Freedom Plaza….with others….for as long as I can (to) mak(e) it our Tahrir Square….our Madison, Wisconsin, where we will NONVIOLENTLY resist the corporate machine (and) demand America’s resources be invested in human needs and environmental protection instead of war and exploitation.” 

“We can do this together. We will be the beginning.” 

Many there pledged they won’t leave until their demands are met. They’re sick and tired of being sick and tired and want change. 

Spreading US Protests 

At the same time, Occupy Wall protests spread in weeks to nearly 1,000 cities and towns nationwide. They’re the first national uprising in decades. Nothing like them has been seen since earlier civil rights and anti-Vietnam war activism. 

Global justice demonstrations since Seattle 1999 lasted several days then ebbed. Today’s rage against the system shows promise provided spirited energy doesn’t wane, leaders emerge to sustain it, and focus concentrates on what matters most – money power in private hands to make more of it at the public’s expense. 

Wall Street controlled money can’t co-exist with democracy and social justice. It bribes political Washington to get what it wants. It buys members of America’s duopoly like toothpaste.

Americans have the best democracy money can buy. Addressing Freedom Plaza activists on October 8, Ralph Nader said:

“It is time for citizens to push their elected officials to break the corporate stranglehold on our country.”

“Congress has done more to bail out Wall Street than Main Street.” Infinitely more, in fact, with sustained trillions of dollars of handouts. At least, $16.1 trillion but very likely much more unreported.

“Wall Street crooks have avoided penalties and prosecution and continued to receive bonuses and excessive compensation while pensions and saving have been looted.”

Record corporate profits belie a growing Main Street Depression. Unemployment is over double official numbers. America’s worst ever housing crisis continues with no end in sight. Millions lost homes. Millions more will before it ends. Washington is doing nothing to help or create jobs. 

“(I)income inequality in this country” is unprecedented. (T)he top 1% of the population has financial wealth equal to the combined financial wealth of the bottom 95% of the people.”

Protests across America are “way overdue (to make) the president and Congress listen.”

They hear, but they don’t care. They know, but they do nothing. They talk, but they don’t act. 

Business as usual won’t end until people power replaces fossilized duopoly power with progressive government of, by and for the people. 

Its main focus must be on returning money power to public hands where it belongs. Without it other objectives will fail, including ones Occupy Wall Street (OWS) adopted on September 29.

They stress:

  • social justice;
  • environmental sanity;
  • people, not corporate power;
  • real, not fake democracy;
  • ending inequality and persecution; 
  • reenergizing organized labor; 
  • ending America’s student loan racket;
  • mandating education and universal healthcare as fundamental human rights; 
  • creating jobs and assuring working Americans have living wages;
  • restoring, protecting and preserving a free and open media;
  • getting money out of politics; and 
  • ending America’s global imperial wars. 

These are problems and objectives. To one degree or another, many, perhaps most, people understand the importance of addressing them. 

Solutions, however, aren’t proposed. Demands aren’t made, nor are concrete pledges for specific steps to be undertaken to achieve them.

Among others they should include:

  • abolishing or nationalizing the Federal Reserve;
  • ending all banker bailouts and other corporate handouts;
  • revoking corporate personhood;
  • reinstating Glass-Steagall, decoupling commercial from investment banks and insurers, among other provisions to curb speculation; 
  • imposing a Tobin tax on large financial transactions;
  • a progressive income tax replacing today’s dysfunctional one;
  • removing the payroll tax ceiling, taxing all earned income at the same rate including capital gains; 
  • empowering workers to bargain collectively with management on equal terms; 
  • guaranteeing a living wage, adjusted by urban, rural, state and local considerations;
  • guaranteeing income for the indigent; 
  • real regulatory reform, reinstituting vital ones eroded or lost;
  • abolishing monopoly and oligopoly power;
  • strengthening public education; 
  • enacting universal, single-payer healthcare, excluding predatory insurers, except as a voluntary option;
  • prohibiting money in politics and barring corporations from controlling elections by easily manipulated electronic voting machines; and
  • make banking a public utility, encouraging publicly owned state banks. 

Achieving these and other goals depends on returning money power to public hands. Otherwise, political Washington may only approve cosmetic changes too meager to matter. 

Money power runs America. Baron MA Rothschild (1818 – 1874) once said, “Give me control over a nation’s currency and I care not who makes its laws.”

With it comes supreme power to control world markets, resources, and cheap labor, exploiting them for maximum profits. 

Thomas Jefferson railed against money power, saying:

“I sincerely believe that banking institutions are more dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. (Money power) should be taken from the banks and restored to the people to whom it properly belongs.”

He later said: 

“I hope we shall crush in its birth the aristocracy of our monied corporations which dare already to challenge our government to a trial of strength, and bid defiance to the laws of our country.”

James Madison called bankers “Money Changers,” saying: 

“History records that (they) have used every form of abuse, intrigue, deceit and violent means possible to maintain their control over government by controlling money and its issuance.”

Andrew Jackson called bankers “vipers and thieves.” Refusing to renew its charter, he described the Bank of the United States, America’s 19th century quasi central bank, as a “hydra-headed monster.” Jefferson opposed chartering it in the first place.

Lincoln called predatory money power “more despotic than a monarch, more insolent than autocracy, and more selfish than a bureaucracy….I have two great enemies, the Southern Army in front of me and the bankers in the rear. Of the two, the one at the rear is my greatest foe.” 

The 1913 Federal Reserve Act giving Wall Street money power was America’s most destructive ever legislation. For nearly a century, it extracted a huge toll, amounting to permanent debt bondage by transferring national wealth to private hands.

John Adams once said, “There are two ways to conquer and enslave a nation. One is by the sword. The other is by debt.” 

Former Supreme Court Justice Louis D. Brandeis (1856 – 1941) said, “We can have democracy in this country, or we can have great wealth concentrated in the hands of the few, but we can’t have both.”

Of course, America never had democracy. It has representative rule by political officials serving wealth and power interests only. More concentrated now than ever, ordinary people are entirely shut out. 

Finally growing numbers said no more. Rallying impressively, it remains to be seen where this goes. 

Will activists avoid being co-opted by political power brokers, corrupted labor bosses, and billionaires like George Soros wanting nothing interfering with how they operate? 

Will their energy be sustained or will it wane, especially when northern cities get cold? Will numbers grow exponentially or diminish? Will achieving social justice matter enough to sustain enough spirit to fight for it and not quit?

Staying the course isn’t easy. Victories never come easily or quickly. So far street activism is impressive. Hopefully it’s got legs. Follow-up articles will report on if so.

A Final Comment 

Whenever potentially significant social change movements emerge, powerful behind the scenes manipulators try to subvert them.

Occupy Wall Street is no exception. On October 7, Webster Tarpley asked who’s behind wanting to hijack the movement, saying:

General Assemblies appear to be diversions. About “20 mysterious and anonymous individuals (comprising) a kind of steering committee (are) pull(ing) the strings” behind the scenes. 

“Many….appear to be active duty or recently retired military (taking orders from higher-ups)….If OWS leaders want to be transparent, let them” disclose their names forthrightly. 

General Assemblies (GA) focus mostly on “trivia while the really big decisions are being made someplace else” behind closed doors.

Notably key figures like Michael Moore, Naomi Klein, Mike Myers and Joseph Stiglitz have appeared prominently. Regular GA participants “were never consulted about whether to invite” them. 

At issue is subverting money power change, manipulating consensus, and co-opting OWS fervor “to get Obama reelected.”

“The consensus method provides immense comfort to predatory speculators on Wall Street, since it virtually guarantees that no potent and controversial strategy to break the power of finance capital can emerge.”

In other words, it assures failure if committed activists aren’t informed and aroused enough to stop them. 

Stay tuned. Stay involved, and spread the word so everyone in the fight for social change knows what needs to be done to achieve it. 

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening. 

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.

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BOOKS—WM. HATHAWAY: The Real War Heroes

The Real War Heroes
From the book

RADICAL PEACE: People Refusing War

With annotations by Patrice Greanville 

Now living in Germany, I can see how important it is to resist such things in their early stages. In the 1930s many Germans were afraid to oppose their government as it became increasingly vicious, hoping it wouldn’t get too bad, hoping they’d be spared, hoping it would end soon, but then bitterly regretted their passivity after it was too late…”

Image:
________________________________________________________________ 

had this to say about Hathaway’s book:

Do you believe America is “a gut-shot hyena devouring its own entrails”? If so, this is the book for you. In it you’ll meet a determined band of anarchists and socialists intent on overthrowing our government and economic system, all under the banner of peace.

They blame American foreign policy for terrorism, capitalism for war, and patriarchy for just about everything. And they don’t stop at mere blaming. These hardcore militants are dedicated to what they call direct action: helping soldiers to desert, destroying computer systems, trashing recruiting offices, burning military vehicles, and sabotaging defense contractors.

This is peace?

The author started out as a newspaper reporter in San Francisco, and his roots in that city might explain something about his gender-based assault on our social norms. He joined the Green Berets during the Vietnam War not out of patriotism but to expose them in a book, A WORLD OF HURT. A liberal foundation awarded it a prize for its portrayal of “the blocked sexuality and need for patriarchal approval that propel men into the military.”

His new book slanders the soldiers in this current war. The real heroes, Hathaway claims, are the deserters. The rest he depicts as rapists and murderers. As the wife of an American serviceman abroad, I found this particularly offensive. —Joanne Eddington, The Ethical Spectacle, June 2010

Ms. Eddington is apparently blissfully innocent of what many of our troops have done while in the service of imperialist conquest, for, by their very nature, imperial armies are on very questionable moral ground.  Many former servicemen—from Vietnam to our day— live with such memories of shame, and it’s a tribute to their innate decency that, upon return to civilian life, a considerable number is often haunted by their conscience to the point of mental disequilibrium. What Eddington and her ilk tend to confuse (to their advantage) is that people like Hathaway are not impugning, in general, such core humanity, only affirming that valor and dedication to a cause can easily coexist with heinous and dishonorable acts when acting under indoctrination.

History is replete with examples of mass misguided behavior, and human nature is often inherently contradictory. Can anyone deny that the Southern Confederacy had many outstanding people fighting, tragically, for a revolting cause? (Sold to them in a complete travesty of truth as “an invasion by the Yankees.”). And what about the Waffen SS? Is there in the annals of modern war a formation better distinguished than this for their discipline and single-minded dedication to a truly execrable purpose?  Yes, believe it or not, the SS, too, had “heroes”.  Mature minds accept such contradictions, the inevitable “greys” that comprise most human action. Simpletons do not. For them it’s black and white, for no brainwash can successfully operate for long if people are allowed to entertain doubt. And brother, have our troops been brainwashed. This much was already admitted many decades ago by the rightly celebrated Smedley Butler, Maj. Gen. in the USMC, at the time of his death the most decorated Marine in U.S. history. In the 1970s, the Winter Soldier investigation also underscored such reality. (The “Winter Soldier Investigation” was a media event sponsored by the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) from January 31, 1971 – February 2, 1971. It was intended to publicize war crimes and atrocities by the United States Armed Forces and their allies in the Vietnam War.)  As could be expected from the corporate media, their testimony was slandered or suppressed. I would be surprised if more than 1 in a 10,000 of the current men and women in uniform ever heard of such event, let alone understood its implications.  That of course includes Ms. Eddington, of the righteous wrath. 

Today, a significant number of veterans can attest to the effectiveness of the brainwash, and live to regret it. Ron Kovic (made famous by the book and biopic Born on the 4th of July) and Bobby Mueller are the best known of the lot, but there are many others, actors in more recent “wars of choice” (criminal literally by definition, according to the “Nuremberg Tribunal” rules), and who also endure lives of internal anguish and alienation, sitting comfortably neither in a civilian society that rarely has a place for them (unemployment is above the norm for returning soldiers), nor in their skins. The ultimate tragedy, the ancient dramatists thought, was the clash between two heroes, both of them good.  Would those fighting in good faith for the pseudo good qualify?  I wonder if they ever considered that. —P. Greanville
_________________________________________________________________________________ 

WILLIAM HATHAWAY

“THAT MUST BE THEM.”  Petra took one hand off the steering wheel and pointed to a group of soldiers about two hundred meters away, standing along our road next to a high chainlink fence topped with barbed wire.

Traffic was light, but Petra said, “I don’t want any other cars around.” She pulled off the road and stopped. “Get everything ready.” 

I crawled into the back of the car and opened the rear hatch to give access to the interior and to raise the license plate out of sight. We wore caps and sunglasses to be less recognizable.

When the road was empty, she started driving again. We approached the soldiers, who were walking in the grass, stopping often to pick things off the ground and put them in sacks they were dragging.

“There’s Rick.” Petra slowed and drove along the shoulder. A man turned his head at the sound of our car crunching gravel, dropped his bag, and ran towards us with a slight limp. While the guards shouted for him to stop, I thrust my arm out, grabbed Rick’s hand, and pulled. He lunged forward and dived into the open hatch, banging his leg on the edge. A guard was swearing and groping at the holster on his belt. Rick scrambled in, knocking off his glasses, and Petra floored the gas. Our spinning tires hurled gravel behind us then squealed over the pavement. The car slid halfway across the road before Petra brought it under control, and we sped away. 

One guard was waving his pistol at us but not aiming it, and the other was punching buttons on a cell phone. Some of the detention soldiers were clapping and shouting in envious congratulations, others just stood staring.

I closed the hatch as Petra rounded a corner and headed for the autobahn. Rick lay on the floor trembling and gasping, holding his leg in pain. I gripped him on the shoulder to steady him. “Way to go! You’re on your way out of the army.”

His tension exploded into laughter, then tears. “Thanks, thanks,” he spluttered.

“It’s not over yet,” Petra said.

Rick breathed deeply, scrinched his eyes to block the tears, and clenched his fists. “Not going back.”

I tried to calm my own tremors.

Petra drove away from the base through a section of fast-food franchises and striptease bars that bordered it. Rick put his glasses back on; bent at the bow, they sat crookedly on his nose. We put up the rear seat so we could sit without attracting attention, then waited at the stoplight by the autobahn entrance for thirty seconds that seemed like ten minutes, surrounded by other cars full of American soldiers and German civilians, none of whom noticed us. Finally Petra roared up the onramp. German autobahns have no speed limits, and soon the Volkswagen was going flat out at 160 kilometers per hour.

From a small suitcase I pulled out civilian clothes for Rick, and he started stripping off his uniform. “Last time I’ll ever wear this thing.”

As he took off his shirt, I got a whiff of the sour stench of fear, which I knew well from my own time in the military. He stuffed the fatigues into a trash bag, then put on corduroy pants and a cotton sweater. Now he looked like a young German, but with the buzz cut hair, almost like a neo-Nazi. I set my cap on his head.

At the first rest stop we pulled in and parked beside a van. I gave him the suitcase and a wallet with a thousand euros in it. We shook hands, then hugged. I clapped him on the back. He got out of the car and kissed Petra on the cheek, crying again as he thanked us. With a combination of a glare and a grin, he pushed the bag with his uniform into a garbage can. I got into the front seat of the VW; Rick got into the back of the van, giving us a V sign. The van pulled away, headed for Sweden, where Rick would apply for asylum. 

Petra re-entered the autobahn, much slower now because she too was crying, quietly, on a resolute face. “He’s out of the war,” she said in her throaty German accent. “No one’s going to kill him, and he’s not going to kill anybody.” She took the next exit, then wended back over country roads towards her home. “Now I’m exhausted.” 

“Me too, all of a sudden,” I said. “This one was hairy. We broke more laws than usual.”

“Good. Such laws need to be broken. I’ll make us some coffee.” 

Petra had been the first of our group to meet with Rick. She worked in Caritas, the German Catholic social agency, and a priest had brought him to her office. Rick was absent without leave, AWOL, from the army, determined not to go back, but didn’t know what to do. He’d heard from another soldier that the Catholic Church sometimes helped, so he went there.

The priest was in too public a position to personally do much, but he introduced him to Petra because she was active in Pax Christi, the Catholic peace movement. The priest and the social worker had a tacit “don’t ask, don’t tell” agreement about her counseling work with soldiers. She didn’t volunteer information, and he didn’t pry. 

Petra had various approaches to freeing soldiers. She could help them apply for conscientious objector status, but these days CO applications were usually turned down by the military. She had a degree in clinical psychology and was skilled at teaching GIs how to get psychological discharges, to act the right amount of crazy and handle the trick questions the military shrinks would throw at them. But now those too were usually denied. The military needed bodies — didn’t care if they were crazy.

If neither of these methods worked, and if the soldiers were desperate to get out, she would help them desert, a drastic step because it risked years in prison for them and major hassles for her.

Petra has never been arrested, but based on experiences of others in our group, she could expect to be charged with accessory to military desertion and with aiding and abetting a fugitive. The court process would be a severe drain on the energy and finances of both her and our group, but it was unlikely that she’d actually go to prison. With public opinion already so opposed to this war, the German government wouldn’t want to risk the protests. But she’d probably get a year on probation, lose her job, and have trouble finding another one.

Why did she take the risk? Petra’s grandfather had been an SS trooper, the kind of Christian who unquestioningly supports authority. His children reacted by becoming atheists. Petra became the kind of Christian who opposed authority, including the church hierarchy. She felt stopping war was more important than her personal security.

When she met Rick, she was impressed by his sincerity and also his desperation. He told her he’d got married after high school to a co-worker at a restaurant, an illegal immigrant from El Salvador who was a few years older. They wanted to have children but couldn’t raise them on minimum wage. He wanted to become an electrical engineer but couldn’t afford college. The army’s offer of tuition aid and electronics training was better than life at Pizza Hut, so he enlisted in 2001.

The plan was that she’d work in the towns where he was stationed. After his four-year hitch, he’d go to college while she continued to work, and after college when he had a good job, they’d have kids. Eight years seemed like a long time to get started in life, but by then he’d have a real career.

After 9-11, the army needed infantry troops more than electronic specialists, so they took away his needle-nosed pliers, gave him an M-16, and flew him to Afghanistan. First they made him excavate corpses from the collapsed caves of Tora Bora, full of the reek of rotting meat, hoping to find bin Laden’s. Then they sent him on night ambush missions along the Pakistan border: staring out from a machine gun bunker with goggles that made everything glow green and yellow, shooting anything that moved after dark, shipping the bodies out in the morning on the supply helicopter, still hoping to find bin Laden. Finally he was assigned to round up men from the villages around Kandahar and send them to interrogation camps. But there weren’t many men in the villages. They were either dead or in the mountains, and the army didn’t have enough troops to comb the mountains.

After eight months his wife divorced him.

In one of the villages an old woman walked by them with her goat. The goat wore a pack basket. The woman reached down, patted the goat, and blew them all up.

Rick woke up lying in a helicopter surrounded by dead and wounded friends. He felt he’d become one of his ambush victims being shipped out. The army would be disappointed to find out he wasn’t bin Laden.

It turned out later the woman was the mother of two sons who had been killed by the Americans.

With shrapnel wounds, a fractured leg, and a twisted spine, Rick was evacuated to the US hospital in Landstuhl, Germany, where after five months of treatment he was pronounced fit for active duty and given orders for Iraq. By then he’d heard about Iraq from other patients. He panicked, went AWOL, then met Petra.

She helped him clarify his options. He could apply for conscientious objector status or a psychological discharge, but with orders into a combat zone, his chances of success were nil. But if he deserted, there was a good chance that Sweden would accept his application for asylum.

Rick told Petra later that what finally settled his decision to desert was learning that in Sweden the state helps pay college expenses. You don’t have to join the military and kill people just to get an education. 

But before our group could make arrangements, Rick got arrested for AWOL and assigned to the detention barracks. If they’d known he was planning to desert, they would’ve locked him in the stockade, but simple AWOL has become too widespread for that. He was busted down two ranks and assigned to sixty days hard labor, at the end of which he’d be sent to Iraq still under detention.

After visiting him in the detention barracks, Petra told us he seemed like a man on death row. His psychological condition was deteriorating so rapidly that she was afraid he would kill himself rather than go back to war. He begged her to try to get him out. 

The current work detail for the detention soldiers was twelve hours a day of picking up trash along the fence at the boundary of the base. They’d finished inside the base and had just started working on the outside, a group of ten detainees with two guards.

Petra and I wouldn’t have risked the snatch inside the base, but we were pretty sure the guards wouldn’t fire their pistols outside the base for fear of “collateral damage.” Shooting the local population is bad for public relations.

I alerted our sanctuary network in Germany and Sweden and arranged the logistics to get Rick into a new life.

Since I’m a US citizen, if I got arrested for helping soldiers desert, I’d be sent back to the homeland for trial and probably to prison. It’s worth the risk to me, though.

I do this work because my past is similar to Petra’s grandfather’s. I was in the Special Forces in Panama and Vietnam. I’d joined the Green Berets to write a book about war. During our search and destroy operations, I kept telling myself, “I’m just here gathering material for a novel.” But our deeds have consequences that affect us and others regardless of why we do them. I’m still dealing with the repercussions from my involvement, and my work in the military resistance movement is a way of atoning for it.

I’ve met many veterans who never saw combat but still feel a burden of guilt. Just being part of an invading force and abusing another country pollutes the soul. Under the hyperbole, there’s some truth in Kurt Tucholsky’s statement, “All soldiers are murderers.” The military exists to kill people, and everyone in it contributes to that. Even as civilians, we finance it.

Having got medals for combat, I know that the real heroes are the people like Rick who refuse to go, who stand up to the military and say no. If they’re caught, the government punishes them viciously because they’re such a threat to its power. Deserters and refusers are choosing peace at great danger to themselves. I wish I’d been that morally aware and that brave.

When this book is published, I’ll have to stop actively participating in desertions and will have to break off direct contact with our group. Once I go public, my e-mails and phone calls will probably be routed through Langley, Virginia, and that would endanger our whole operation. 

Ironically enough, when I left the Special Forces, the CIA offered me a job. If I had accepted it, I could now be that G-13 civil servant who is perusing the messages of dissidents, trying to find ways to neutralize us. The road not taken.

Now living in Germany, I can see how important it is to resist such things in their early stages. In the 1930s many Germans were afraid to oppose their government as it became increasingly vicious, hoping it wouldn’t get too bad, hoping they’d be spared, hoping it would end soon, but then bitterly regretted their passivity after it was too late.

Better to go down resisting. Better yet to change it while we still can. It’s clear now that Obama isn’t really going to change things, so we have to do it ourselves. 

#

http://media.trineday.com/radicalpeace.

www.peacewriter.org. His other books include A WORLD OF HURT (Rinehart Foundation Award) and CD-RING. He is an adjunct professor of American studies at the University of Oldenburg in Germany.

 

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Herman Cain roasted by Lawrence O’Donnell

Herman Cain defended controversial remarks on “brainwashing” in an interview with MSNBC’s Lawrence O’Donnell. (10.6.11)

YOU‘RE ’DISTORTING’ WHAT I SAID: HERMAN CAIN BATTLES LAWRENCE O’DONNELL ON MSNBC

Black Agenda report, the most respected source of Black radical analysis on contemporary events. But going back to Cain: what would he rather have Black Americans do?  Deliver themselves to the tender mercies of the contemptible Republicans, the standing horroshow that makes even a degenerate, treacherous, and totally corporate-owned Democratic party “look good”?  It’s that old Lesser Evil trap, again, but the likes of Cain, a successful entrepreneur with all the sensibility of a self-made man, can’t seem to see that dilemma, of which his disgraceful party is a key player. ± Patrice Greanville

“I did not insult the intelligence of all black Americans,” the new GOP frontrunner told MSNBC. “I insulted the attitude of those that will not consider an alternate idea.” He also said black voters “did not consider my statement insulting because a lot of them are thinking for themselves.”

Previously, the Republican presidential candidate said African-Americans voters have been “brainwashed” into voting for Democrats by “not even considering a conservative point of view.”

That comment didn’t sit well with the African American community. Though Cain played down the comment and hit back.

“Now, if they want to talk about insulting, they need to look at the president when he talks to the Congressional Black Caucus and insulted black people, in my opinion, by telling them to take off their slippers and put on their marching boots when he has had nothing but failed policies,” said Cain.

The former Godfather’s Pizza CEO extended his criticism to Americans who support higher taxes for millionaires.

Today, Barack Obama came out in support of the Senate Democrats’ idea of paying for his jobs bill with a 5 percent surtax on income over $1 million.

A recent NBC/Wall Street Journal poll showed 81 percent of Americans favor increasing taxes on incomes on the uber wealthy.

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Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy

 

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IF YOU THINK THE LAMESTREAM MEDIA ARE A DISGRACE AND A HUGE OBSTACLE
to real change in America why haven’t you sent at least a few dollars to The Greanville Post (or a similar anti-corporate citizen’s media?). Think about it.  Without educating and organizing our ranks our cause is DOA. That’s why our new citizens’ media need your support. Send your badly needed check to “TGP, P.O. Box 1028, Brewster, NY 10509-1028.” Make checks out to “P. Greanville/ TGP”.  (A contribution of any amount can also be made via Paypal and MC or VISA.)

THANK YOU.
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