Caitlin Johnstone and David Cobb Respond to Counterpunch



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Editor's Note: For the record, we found Joshua Frank's and Litvin's attacks on Johnstone and Cobb tendentious, arrogant and completely groundless. It surely does not escape such sharp minds that their actions do not benefit the forces fighting to break the repugnantly criminal global neoliberal stranglehold but precisely the opposite. Frank's participation in these petty and malicious polemics is especially distasteful and damaging to the unity of the anti-imperialist front at a time when the US ruling cliques, long dominated by the Neocon infestation, and forever in pursuit of global supremacy, seem determined to push the world to the brink of nuclear extinction to achieve that dubious and morally repugnant goal. In this context, Johnstone and Cobb are brave and cogent truth-tellers at a moment when we need truth more than anything else in mass communications. And  we also need a flexible attitude toward our tactics, first of all recognizing who and what is the current main enemy of humankind and life itself on this tormented planet. Their work should be supported and not invidiously attacked. —P Greanville


[dropcap]W[/dropcap]e both acknowledge that we are public figures, and recognize that we will receive criticism. However, it is extremely disappointing to both of us that Counterpunch did not allow us to respond. The essay below was submitted immediately after Yoav Litvin published “The Green Party-Marks in a Media Con Job.” Rather than publish our response, they published a second attack piece from Managing Editor Joshua Frank titled “On Caitlin Johnstone and David Cobb’s Attempt to Destroy the Green Party.”

Even more telling, Managing Editor Joshua Frank has publicly written that “David Cobb is important enough to criticize, but not important enough to publish.” This is a troubling editorial position to take, and violates basic standards of journalistic integrity.

It seems that Counterpunch is able to throw a punch, but not take one.


From Caitlin Johnstone:

I’ve got nothing against Yoav Litvin or Joshua Frank, and I’ve cited Counterpunch extensively in the past. My work has been getting more attention lately, and I understand and accept that criticism will naturally come along with that, so I welcome Mr. Litvin and Mr. Frank to their opinions about it. I don’t think either of them represented my actual position with any degree of accuracy, but readers can make up their own minds about that by checking out my article they responded to here and in my follow-up to it here.

The centerpiece of both articles is the fact that I cited Mike Cernovich as someone on the right I might be able to collaborate with on some issues, the primary grievance being some weird rapey remarks Cernovich has made in the past. I don’t know if Yoav Litvin or Joshua Frank have ever been victims of rape, but like many women I am a survivor of several rapes and I can say that Cernovich’s views on the matter are one of the many, many areas on which we disagree. Interacting with Mike Cernovich is not going to make me think that rape is okay or suddenly transform me into a rape culture apologist.


Obviously the neocons, the white nationalists of the alt-right, and your typical Fox News baby boomer won’t have a lot to offer in terms of collaboration, but that still leaves the libertarians, the paleocons, the ancaps and the various factions within Trump’s base who, for example, were outraged over the president’s missile strikes on a Syrian airfield in April.

I would like to take this space to offer that the ideas I’m sharing about collaborating with the right in the areas where our goals converge are not new; Ralph Nader has written an entire book about it. I’m speaking to an American political landscape which has shifted quite a bit since Nader’s Unstoppable: The Emerging Left-Right Alliance to Dismantle the Corporate State was published in 2014, but in my opinion it has shifted in a direction which allows for more collaboration. Obviously the neocons, the white nationalists of the alt-right, and your typical Fox News baby boomer won’t have a lot to offer in terms of collaboration, but that still leaves the libertarians, the paleocons, the ancaps and the various factions within Trump’s base who, for example, were outraged over the president’s missile strikes on a Syrian airfield in April.

It is good that we are talking about this.

I would like to humbly suggest that maybe, just maybe, some of the revulsion on the left toward the idea of collaborating with the anti-establishment right against the ruling elites who have functionally decimated American democracy has less to do with morality and more to do with tribalism. The red-district MAGA hat-wearing poor are oppressed by the same soul-crushing Walmart economy as everyone else, however, and as long as imperialist divide-and-conquer tactics are still being used to keep the left and the right hating each other, everyone’s going to keep getting crushed by it. Conservatives might talk funny, might have some weird belief systems, might have some very odd ideas about what some of America’s problems are and how to fix them, might lack the cool factor that our Jill Stein-voting lefty friends have, but it’s impossible to fight for economic justice without fighting for them, too.

That’s not something everyone can do, and I get that, and that’s fine. It’s a strength though, not a weakness, and going out there and doing the hard graft of listening and talking to the great unwashed proletariat of which we are meant to champion should be respected, not shamed. This is my humble attempt at fortifying those who can and choose to do so.

Green News Network (GNN) in general, and Cobb’s Monday evening “Democracy in Action” in particular, is a way of injecting the brilliant ideas of the Green Party into the mainstream conversation in an entertaining and relatable way. The show gives everyone the ability to real-talk in normal language about the exciting utopian solutions that are right here for the taking. People want this. They are looking for this. Our biological imperative to survive means that everyday regular people are seeking this out whether they know it consciously or not. We know that because of how people respond when you connect with them and they get a glimpse of what’s on offer. They respond intuitively. Their whole being jumps up and down and shouts “Yes! Yes! That! I want that!”

And the sad fact of the matter is that people are literally dying for this, too. They have mountains of energy to give over to making this happen should they know it exists, but for every day that these ideas are withheld from them, it is another day that they are dying from exposure due to homelessness, lack of healthcare, poisoning of food and water, cluster bombs from corporatist wars and the slow march towards extinction. From the streets of Syria to San Francisco, people are dying all over the world from the psychopathic decisions of the corporatist ruling class.

But we have the solution. It’s right here for the taking. All we need to do is give people the permission to stand up and take back what is rightly theirs. Take back their right to healthcare, take back their right to housing, take back their right to clean water and healthy food and their right to their own personal and national sovereignty. This could all happen in the blink of an eye. We just have to say yes.


From David Cobb:

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]here are precious few sources of non-corporately filtered news, information and analysis, and I’m sincerely glad Counterpunch exists to “tell the facts and name the names” — even when that name is mine. I think the recent article got a few facts wrong, so I’d like to correct a few of them.

I also think it is critical that those of us on the Left engage in principled political debate and disagreement. We are in a moment of rising neo-fascism, and we need to understand what that moment is and what it means.


We need to grapple about strategies and tactics, and learn to do so without turning friends and allies into enemies. I will never compromise my core principles and values, but I am always willing to experiment with new tactics. I also recognize that I might be wrong, and that I don’t know what I don’t know. So I attempt to approach such discussions with humility.

As an example — I absolutely and profoundly disagree with Caitlin that the Left should engage with Mike Cernovich in any manner. I think she is dead wrong, and that she is making a political strategic mistake. I do not think this means she is my enemy, or that she should be demonized.

The way Yoav Litvin and Joshua Frank offer their critique sounds much more like petty subjective emotional rants than considered political discourse. They are exhibiting the authoritarian sectarianism that is precisely why most working people ignore or avoid Left political discourse.

A note about the Green News Network (GNN).

GNN is not an official organ of the Green Party of the United States. GNN is Dr. Jill Stein’s Facebook page, which she is now developing into a platform to continue to have conversations about peace, racial and social justice, democracy and ecology (which happen to be the Four Pillars of the global Green Party). We are trying to create a platform that is supportive of Green values, and to convince people to join the Green Party. But we do not claim to be — or to speak for — the Green Party of the United States. To learn the official positions of the Party or to get connected with your local or state party, please visit www.gp.org

GNN programming currently consists of Facbook livestreams broadcast at8pm eastern. Plans are underway to archive shows and expand the platforms.

Currently Jill does a show every Wednesday at 8pm called “Fireside Chats.” Ajamu Baraka does a show every Thursday called “Voices from the Margins.” I do a show every Monday called “Democracy in Action.” Every fourth Monday Caitlin joins me to discuss one of her recent essays.

Turning to the much more important issue about rising global neo-fascism…

GNN Executive Producer Melezia Figueroa and I are currently co-facilitating custom-designed workshops called “Movement Schools for Revolutionaries.” They are custom designed depending upon who is organizing the event, but the basic goals are always the same:

1) To develop clarity regarding revolutionary analysis
2) To understand the current political moment

3) To build a united front against neoliberalism and fascism

4) To envision the world we want

​5) To explore strategies to win that world​

We begin with an examination of what we call the meta-context of reality: Patriarchy, White Supremacy, Imperialism. We confront the ecological, political and economic crisis we are in, and name it as the beginning of systems failure.

We then examine the current historical moment, introducing the concept of “conjuncture” and tracing political trajectory of our current conjuncture — the collapse of consent to the neoliberal order, populist challenges from the left and right, and the emerging dangers of neo-fascism.

We then provide an overview of the theoretical tools to understand how power works in contemporary politics, and explain our strategic approach to theory and praxis. Our understanding is rooted in the belief that we must build social movements that are broad, deep, conscious, politically educated and militant; and we must engage electoral politics.

We conclude with a strategic planning session to identify specific electoral objectives and goals, and to identify and coordinate local progressive forces to attempt to take and exercise political power at the local level.

I trust that is obvious to Counterpunch readers that I am not advocating from some alliance with fascists. I hope it is also obvious that I don’t try to conduct a “Movement School for Revolutionaries” when I am at a pool hall, bowling alley, beauty parlor or barber shop.

In other words, I take people where they are and engage in honest, respectful conversation. Ultimately, I am trying to convince folks that we need to build a multi-racial, multi-ethnic, broad coalition that can unite against the ruling elite.

An example of an effort to engage such a conversation can be found in this interview I gave with Victor Tiffany of Revolt Against Plutocracy.

I want to end by noting that I do agree with Yoav Litvin when he writes:

“Cobb and the Green Party owe it to their voters to present a serious and credible left-wing alternative that builds on a positive politics of social and environmental justice, collectivism and community…The left needs to build with those who are disaffected with the entire system, which is approximately 50% of the population who did not even bother to vote. Those are the people most affected by the crimes of capitalism and our natural allies.”

I am trying to do that to the best of my ability. If you are interested in working with me, I invite you to contact me at davidkcobb@gmail.com 

About the Author
 
Caitlin Johnstone
is a brave journalist, political junkie, relentless feminist, champion of the 99 percent. And a powerful counter-propaganda tactician. 


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From the streets of Syria to San Francisco, people are dying all over the world from the psychopathic decisions of the corporatist ruling class. But we have the solution. It’s right here for the taking. All we need to do is give people the permission to stand up and take back what is rightly theirs. Take back their right to healthcare, take back their right to housing, take back their right to clean water and healthy food and their right to their own personal and national sovereignty. This could all happen in the blink of an eye. We just have to say yes.


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Václav Havel: another side to the story

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HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.


For all the vaunted barbarism and cruelty of communist "regimes" has anyone asked how long would a Salvadoran or Guatemalan Havel have lasted? With US-trained and supported death squads on a continual rampage he would not have stood a chance. —The Editor


The Czech leader was a brave man, but the voices of those who lost out after communism's demise are seldom heard

Havel basking in the embrace of the empire. History soon showed that his struggles did not include peace or social justice. Let alone equality.

 

He was the symbol of 1989, the anti-communist playwright who helped free his country – and the rest of eastern Europe – from Stalinist tyranny and who put the countries that lay behind the iron curtain on the road to democracy.

So goes the dominant narrative of the life of Václav Havel, the former Czech president, who died on Sunday aged 75. Havel, we are told, was a hero and one of the greatest Europeans of our age.

But, as with the recent consecration of Christopher Hitchens, another "progressive" opponent of the communist regimes of eastern Europe who found favour with Washington's neocons, there is another side to the story.

No one questions that Havel, who went to prison twice, was a brave man who had the courage to stand up for his views. Yet the question which needs to be asked is whether his political campaigning made his country, and the world, a better place.

Havel's anti-communist critique contained little if any acknowledgement of the positive achievements of the regimes of eastern Europe in the fields of employment, welfare provision, education and women's rights. Or the fact that communism, for all its faults, was still a system which put the economic needs of the majority first.

Although he did clash with his uber-Thatcherite presidential successor, Václav Klaus, over economic policy, Havel, the son of a wealthy entrepreneur whose companies were nationalised when the communists came to power, showed little concern for the plight of ordinary people who lost out in the change towards a market economy. And there were losers aplenty. While the years following the liberation of eastern Europe from communism by Havel and his fellow dissidents are routinely portrayed in the west as one big success story, the reality is rather different. A 2009 Lancet study concluded that as many as 1 million working-age men died due to the health problems brought on by mass privatisation. As economies across eastern Europe were restructured so inequalities and social divisions grew. A 2011 OECD report found that Havel's Czech Republic had the joint-second largest rise in income inequality in OECD members since the mid-1980s.

Havel's true political allegiances came to the fore during his years as president. Like fellow dissident Lech Walesa, he supported the Nato bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999. In 2002, he sided with the rightwing Republican hawks on Iraq.

Lauding Havel is not only doing a disservice to the millions of ordinary people in eastern Europe who have not been served well by his politics, but to the innocent men, women and children killed by the western military adventures he supported. While Havel was a man of undoubted talent and intellect, it's time we stopped eulogising people simply because they were anti-communist dissidents, and instead look at the bigger picture. 


About the Author—in his own words


Havel’s true political allegiances came to the fore during his years as president. Like fellow dissident Lech Walesa, he supported the Nato bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999. In 2002, he sided with the rightwing Republican hawks on Iraq.

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Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” -- acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump -- a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report 




GEOPOLITICAL TURBULENCE IN THE CAUCASUS

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If at the mention of Azerbaijan its delicious lamb and rice national dish plov comes to mind, or the equally tasty vinegret salad in the case of Georgia, that certainly would not be the wrong association. Lamentably, however, both countries – as well as the entire Caucasus region where they are key strategic players – are increasingly becoming notable for reasons far less innocuous than outstanding gastronomy.


U.S. Bradley infantry fighting vehicles and M1A2 Abrams tanks take part in joint military exercises near Tbilisi, Georgia, on May 18, 2016. The yanks are crawling all over the former soviet republics.

To put it very simply, after Syria the Caucasus – barely 800 miles to the northeast – is litearly Russia’s second line of defense, its “soft underbelly,” to use a worn but apposite phrase. Quite understandably, Russia is in Syria, among other reasons, precisely to make sure that it would not have to fall back to the aforementioned defense line. Its geopolitical opponents, however, are doing their utmost to see to it that it does. Hence the intense turbulence and maneouvering between Baku and Tbilisi, and beyond.


NATO Flags in Tbilisi.
On a recent day, the main street of Georgia’s capital of Tbilisi was awash with American flags. Like neighboring Azerbaijan, Georgia is another strategically positioned former Soviet republic in the Caucasus. The occasion for the flag display was the visit of US lieutenant-general Frederick Hodges, commander of US forces in Europe, who arrived on a special mission, ostensibly to commend the performance of Georgian troops who were undergoing combat training at the US military base in Oberpfalz, in Germany. But as it turns out, the US is also constructing a new military facility in Georgia. According to Georgia’s defense minister Levan Izoriya, the base is expected to open before the end of this year.

It takes little imagination to appreciate that the training Georgian soldiers are currently undergoing could, at some point in the future, come in handy for hypothetical operations such as, for instance, raising tensions on the border with Abkhazia or again, as in 2008, South Ossetia. True enough, with Saakashvilli’s unregretted departure Georgia now seems to have a leadership that is disinclined to become involved in such reckless adventures. It is also true, however, that the US military presence in Georgia is not confined to maintaining just a special forces training facility. A slew of foreign operated antennae, radar installations, and other surveillance facilities in Georgia attests to that. The US and NATO, Georgia’s prospective membership in the latter is again becoming an active conversation topic, apparently are committed to some long-range goals in this particular part of the world.

The scope of observable foreign activities would be incomprehensible on the theory that they are designed to serve no more than purely regional ambitions. Their true goal is more likely to be significantly broader: to extend US and NATO presence beyond the Caucasus. In that context, Georgia is no more than Washington’s stepping stone, a forward post. At a recent meeting with Georgia’s foreign minister Mikhail Janelidze, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson promised “full US support.” “The US is ready to back Georgia in any situation,” Janelidze gloated ominously after the meeting. Ominously, because backing Georgia means getting involved in its myriad border disputes and internal separatist issues.

A bit of recent Georgian political history could come in handy. During the post-Soviet period Georgia had four presidents. The first, the poet Zviad Gamsahurdia, wanted Georgia to be neutral, a goal which the prosaic realists in NATO and Washington, bent on occupying the post-Soviet space left vacant by Moscow’s withdrawal, found utterly repugnant. The more cooperative successor whom they subsequently installed, Eduard Shevernadze of perestroika memory, attempted a two-track policy. On the one hand, he signed agreements allowing the construction of Western-sponsored pipelines in his country. On the other, in 1994 he made Georgia a member of the post-Soviet grouping, Commonwealth of Independent States (SNG).


[dropcap]A[/dropcap]fter the wavering Shevernadze was thrown under the bus, his successor Mikhail Saakashvilli pursued a clearly delineated and radical pro-Western policy, presumably more likely to impress his overseas backers. During Saakashvilli’s presidency diplomatic relations with Russia were broken off. Borders between the two countries were closed for a long period. Saakashvilli did his best to drag Georgia into NATO.

“Our presidents are continuously dashing off to the US and other Western countriues as mere vassals. We are subservient to the West. For at least nine years we have had nothing resembling our own independent policy,” laments Georgian political analyst Hatuna Lasagidze.


“Balanced politics,” Azerbaijani style.

[dropcap]F[/dropcap]or the West, Azerbaijan is a strategically important country, capable of supplying the European Union with gas while bypassing Russia. It can also become a staging area for access to other Central Asian energy supplies. As a result, Azeri leadership has had little choice but to maneouver continuously between the various power centers while implementing the so-called “policy of balance.” That is no easy task, particularly at a time when the competing interests of Russia and the West seem more polarized than ever.

The Eastern Partnership project seeks to link six former Soviet republics – Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldavia, Ukraine, and Belarus – as closely and inextricably to the EU as possible. Three of those countries, Georgia, Moldavia, and Ukraine, signed EU Association Agreements in 2014. As far as Azerbaijan is concerned, its adherence to “European values” has been proceeding somewhat less smoothly. Azerbaijan refused to sign the Association Agreement so as not to undermine its good relations with Russia. So says, at least, Azeri parliament deputy Azay Guliev.

Azeri public opinion for the moment seems dead set against an overtly pro-European policy and is calling upon President Ilham Aliev not to rush to coddle the arrogant Europeans, whose perceived double standards with regard to the Nagorno Karabakh dispute with Armenia many find irritable. For over twenty years Azerbaijan has been in a state of frozen conflict with Armenia on the Karabakh issue. More than a million Azeris have been exepelled and have found refuge elsewhere (which is a little known fact). There is armed conflict from time to time. In April 2016 it intensified to the point that a genuine four-day war was fought between Azeri and Armenian forces.

Azerbaijan is at a delicate stage in the transition process. Government overreaction to criticism is far from rare. Nepotism is rampant. Azeri president Ilham Aliev appointed his wife the country’s first vice-president. According to the constitution, the first vice-president is slated to take over the reigns of government if the president is incapacitated.

In the meantime, apathy reigns in Azerbaijan and citizens are showing little interest in politics.


A compromised opposition. 

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hile the story line in the West increasingly is that “non-government organizations” are experiencing hard times in Azerbaijan, political sources in Baku, on the other hand, maintain that this is not the whole truth of the matter. They point out that, while pursuing their strategic interests,   several European countries and the US are, in fact, generously funding Azeri “NGO’s”. Those outfits are, in turn, obliged to earn their keep.

In that regard, it is also relevant to point out that since the Aliev clan (the current president Ilham and his predecessor in the office, Geydar) have been in charge of the country, Azerbaijan has been conducting an evenhanded, neutral foreign policy. There is no indication of that changing any time soon at the top levels of the government. Against such a background, radical Islam has been gaining strength in the country and is rapidly turning into a major internal problem and source of instability. With encouragement and financing from the Saudis (as well as “all the usual suspects”), Wahabbi ideas are being aggressively disseminated throughout Azerbaijan. In the process, Islamists have been using internal political conditions skillfully to their advantage. The opposition is gradually gathering under the Islamists’ banner notwithstanding the fact that, as in other Central Asian post-Soviet republics, the authorities are doing their best keep it as confined as possible.

US ambassador in Baku Robert Cekuta has been working hard to broaden the ranks of the secular at the expense of the clerical opposition. Washington has apparently awakened to the fact that the greatest threat to its strategic interests locally comes precisely from the Islamist factor. Nevertheless, perhaps as a reflection of the West’s less than entirely coherent current policy of keeping the Azeri government just enough off-balance to be cooperative but not so much as to push it off the cliff just yet, last year Islamists who were being held in confinement in Azerbaijan were for the first time officially listed by EU as having the status of “political prisoners.”

Those with reasonably good memory will recall that in the past such dilettantish experiments with opening the Pandora’s Box not a few times have blown up in the faces of the mad scientists attempting them, often with devastating consequences for the luckless countries selected to serve as their laboratory.

So far this year, Western financial support to the Azeri opposition is said to exceed 60 million dollars. Most of the funding originates from the US, Great Britain, Germany, Poland, and the Czech Republic. Most of the money is funneled through Georgia, which for all practical purposes has been turned into a staging area for exerting political influence in Azeri affairs.

That is quite unsurprising because Georgia has been for some time the springboard of Western hegemonism for expanding Western political and ideological influence throughout the region. On Saakashvilli’s watch, Georgia was made to take the Azerbaijani opposition under its wing. Nothing changed in that regard after his departure. As a result, the Azeri underground continues to feel quite at home in Tbilisi. This subversive pattern is literally cut-and-paste of how in the year 2000 the Western-backed “Otpor” opposition in Yugoslavia was logistically and financially supported from neighboring Hungary against the sovereign-minded Milosevic government. 

Leaders of the Azeri opposition such as R. Ibrahimbegov and E. Namazov (National Council of Democratic Forces), A. Kerimli (Azeri National Front), N. Jafarli, and A. Gajili (Musavat Movement), as well as their close associates, are regular visitors in Tbilisi. In the Georgian capital they maintain regular contacts with their Western mentors from the Prague Democracy Center  as well as other notable “democracy” heavyweights such as The Human Rights Watch, Freedom House, People In Need, and the National Democratic Institute. Meetings of Azeri opposition figures with high-ranking US and Dutch diplomats are also becoming more frequent. A veritable “perfect storm” of democratic activism is taking place. The Azeri government would be ill-advised not to take note off, including evidence of its ultimate provenance.

To cover their operating costs, on their visits to Tbilisi Azeri opposition leaders have been receiving significant sums of money that  are ultimately traceable to such “pro-democracy” outfits as NED, IREX, and the Heinrich Boell Foundation. Notably, such pow-wows are known to take place on the eve of opposition events scheduled in Azerbaijan. Allegations have been rife that opposition leader Ali Kerimli was recently awarded the tidy sum of $100.000 by some Western embassies. Of this sum, Kerimli distributed around about $30.000 for political activities, while keeping the remaining $70.000 for himself, according to Baku investigative journalist Maksud Talibili. By all accounts, Western sponsorship of protest operations and attempts to corrupt principal opposition leaders in Azerbaijan are in full swing.


Azerbaijan may not be a paradise…
Azerbaijan is far from being a paradise, according to Samed Seidov, chairman of the foreign relations committee of the Azeri parliament. But it is also far from being a hell-hole, he is quick to add. He is critical of what he calls the double standard of Western politicians and journalists: “There are abuses in Azerbaijan, but they can also be found in Armenia and Georgia. Except that they draw attention only when they occur in Azerbaijan. Then they are investigated, analyzed, and take the form of resolutions. But not when such things are happening elsewhere.”

To be fair, Azerbaijan has been through some economic hard times, but it has managed to overcome the consequences of the global financial and economic crisis relatively painlessly. In 2001 poverty was estimated to affect about 50% of the population, while currently it stands at 7,6%. Economic growth has continued steadily thanks to oil and gas revenues. But in order to keep up the current pace of growth the government will have to diversify the economy. The Azeri market has also proved attractive for German firms. About 80% of Germany’s trade with South Caucasus is with Azerbaijan.

The Azeri economy can benefit from the transit of goods and raw materials, inasmuch as the country happens to be located between Russia and Iran. On the strategic level, Azerbaijan’s current relations with Russia are satisfactory, though not without tensions. Trade volume is on the rise. There is a high level of mutual political trust, which is reflected in continuous dialogue and increasing contacts. Business and trade cooperation between the two countries is on the rise, according to Fariz Ismailzade, vice-rector of Baku’s prestigious ADA University.

“We do not want to be Western puppets. They are exerting pressure in order to undermine our relations with Russia and to make us choose between Russia and the West,” observes Azay Guliev, chairman of the “NGO Support Council” in the office of Azerbaijan’s president.

Significantly, Azerbaijan’s parliament recently voted not to join the “Eastern Partnership” program. Disobedience has a price, and the machinations we have described are designed to make Azerbaijan pay it. Political rumblings in the Caucasus are about much more than gastronomic rivalry, plov versus vinegret. Stay tuned. 


About the Author
Born in Belgrade, Serbia (1950), STEFAN KARGANOVIC  is a U.S. citizen. Graduate of the University of Chicago and Indiana University School of Law. Member of several defense teams at the International Criminal Tribunal For the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). Founder and president of NGO “Srebrenica Historical Project,” registered in the Netherlands and in Serbia. Currently engaged in research on events that took place in Srebrenica in July 1995. Author and co-author of several books on Srebrenica and the technology of “color revolution.”



On a recent day, the main street of Georgia’s capital of Tbilisi was awash with American flags. Like neighboring Azerbaijan, Georgia is another strategically positioned former Soviet republic in the Caucasus. The occasion for the flag display was the visit of US lieutenant-general Frederick Hodges, commander of US forces in Europe, who arrived on a special mission, ostensibly to commend the performance of Georgian troops who were undergoing combat training at the US military base in Oberpfalz, in Germany. But as it turns out, the US is also constructing a new military facility in Georgia. According to Georgia’s defense minister Levan Izoriya, the base is expected to open before the end of this year.

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Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” -- acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump -- a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report 




Blaming regulation for financial woes? Western analysts are mistaken about China

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Professional Western China watchers are almost guaranteed to read the tea leaves wrong. Prisoners of a malicious script, and permitted only to see the economic world through the capitalist rulebook, their analyses are often way off the mark or simply ludicrous. 


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[dropcap]A[/dropcap]fter Chinese stocks fell on Monday, July 17, the media based in the United States offered an almost unanimous explanation. According to the U.S. press, the Chinese Stock Market fell in response to the two-day National Financial Works Conference. A headline in the Wall Street Journal from Tuesday, July 18 reads “Beijing Talks Tough, and Stocks Fall.” Editorials and other statements go on to say China is facing potential ruin because of too much government oversight and regulation. This is an ideologically loaded assumption and analysis of events, which misses the overall lessons of China’s recent history.


Another vehicle presented at recent auto shows. In a short period, China has given the electric car industry a big boost, a welcome policy that seeks to meet consumer demand and environmental requisites, even if electricity has to be produced somewhere, and this often entails another form of pollution.

First of all, it is important to note that U.S. analysts seem desperate to make negative predictions about China’s economy, and look for any possible indicator to point towards. Many will recall how in June of 2015, after turmoil in China’s stock markets, the U.S. media announced a pending collapse and spoke endlessly about a “Chinese slowdown.” The doom and gloom they predicted never materialized, and China has continued to expand. China’s rate of GDP growth remains between 6.7 percent and 6.9 percent, a rate that would be a matter of envy to most nations on earth. The USA’s rate of growth for 2016 was merely 2 percent.

Why has China maintained a strong economy for decades? While many countries throughout the world have market centered economies, where the anarchy of profits, not human reason, is in command, China’s economy is subject to very different rules. The state establishes a Five-year Plan of development, and the private sector is compelled to cooperate with it, regardless of their personal, short-term interests. The 89 million members of the Chinese Communist Party, with their goal of creating a more prosperous society, are the ultimate decision-makers in directing production and economic activity.


Why has China maintained a strong economy for decades? While many countries throughout the world have market centered economies, where the anarchy of profits, not human reason, is in command, China’s economy is subject to very different rules.

Does this mean that the Chinese government works to crush entrepreneurs and destroy their dreams and aspirations? On the contrary! The vision of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” involves strengthening and unleashing the creativity and energy of private capitalists, so that they can build a better life for the country. Often the Chinese Communist Party is a very good friend to business owners, and uses the state to assist their endeavors. However, at the same time, as market forces are aided and encouraged by the state, they are also controlled and directed.

It is this model, where market forces are directed and made to fit into an overall vision for society which has raised China into becoming the second largest economy on earth. About 700 million people have been lifted from poverty, and almost every day a new Chinese millionaire is created. The world tourism industry is now seeing a boom from newly prosperous Chinese families, who now pursue international vacations.

The overall thrust of Chinese President Xi Jinping’s remarks to the National Financial Works Conference was making sure society was protected from market turbulence. He emphasized strengthening the financial sector’s ability to serve the economy, deepen financial reform, and prevent systemic risks. It is widely understood that the central bank will play a greater role in stabilizing the market.

Just two days after the Financial Works Conference, Xi Jinping spoke about the laws regulating foreign investment in China. Speaking to the Central Leading Group on Financial Affairs, Xi spoke about the importance of foreign trade, and how the regulations could be adjusted in order to ensure greater opening up.

The explanation of China’s woes as being caused by “too much government” fits very well into the narrative of neo-liberalism. Western media is saturated with the works of ideologues like Milton Friedman, Ayn Rand and Frederich Von Hayek who say “greed is good” and argue that completely unregulated capitalism will lead to some kind of utopia.

However, academic economists in the USA and around the world overwhelmingly reject these concepts. While such teachings offer simple explanations and sound bites for television, their analysis is not rooted in the real world of economics.

The policies of China’s government, carefully and collectively crafted to ensure growth, have benefited, not hindered China’s economy. That is obvious when reviewing the solid results achieved between 1949 and 2017.

 

Opinion articles reflect the views of their authors only, not necessarily those of China.org.cn.

That said, the views expressed by Caleb Maupin in this essay are fully endorsed by The Greanville Post.

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Caleb Maupin
Screen Shot 2016-02-04 at 9.46.00 AMREAD MORE ABOUT CALEB MAUPIN HERE.

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uza2-zombienationThe explanation of China’s woes as being caused by “too much government” fits very well into the narrative of neo-liberalism. Western media is saturated with the works of ideologues like Milton Friedman, Ayn Rand and Frederich Von Hayek who say “greed is good” and argue that completely unregulated capitalism will lead to some kind of utopia.


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Italy: The Weak Underbelly of Europe

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The Malfunctioning of the Bel Paese


After World War II the USA and NATO labeled Italy the “soft under-belly of Europe”, chiefly because of the presence of  The Italian Communist Party (PCI), Europe’s biggest political formation of the left. Because of capitalist Italy’s unpredictable and individualistic character existing like a Trojan Horse inside the European Union (EU), that label stuck even after the PCI died following the dissolution of the USSR. The party’s later iterations were reduced to rivulets as dry as the river Po in August and about which hardly a murmur is heard today. That label however has conditioned US-NATO relations with Italy since then. The Bel Paese became not only a US vassal state but an occupied country, an aircraft carrier jutting out toward North Africa and hosting dozens of US military bases. Today’s La Repubblica, Italy’s major newspaper, reported that 70 American atomic bombs are concealed on the US Airbase of Aviano in NE Italy, the greatest number in one country of the 180 atomic bombs scattered across Europe.


Italian Communist rally: where have all the flags and raised fists gone?


Even though other Europeans love the country of Italy, the negative view of political-economic Italy remains. Aloof Italian leaders however overlook the patronizing superciliousness toward the nation Italy in the European Union. In this regard I will mention au debut one puzzling non-political observation: the West European and American foreigners who snob the nation Italy from abroad, in Italy become like bashful, ill-at-ease children when they encounter suave and urbane Italians at home in Rome or Milan, or in Florence or Venice.

Yet that Italy is not a land of roses and flowers.

My son, born and raised in Rome and a resident of New York, recently traveled to Italy with his family for their annual visit. Their Alitalia flight was scheduled to leave JFK Airport at 9 pm on a Friday; they departed at 2 am. On arrival in the Eternal City the next afternoon the family then waited two hours for the car they had reserved in order to transfer to a reserved country house in the region of Umbria about 75 minutes from my house in Rome. The roomy house was located at the end of a barely negotiable road, described generously by them as “a house of a certain faded elegance”, thick dust on old furniture and unencumbered by modern appliances like air-conditioners to combat the 100°+ temperatures. On their way to my house the next day the GPS in the shiny new car sent them off into the wild blue yonder far from my location within the city limits. By the time they arrived the jet-lagged foursome just wanted to sleep. Unlikely they will ever fly again Alitalia which is perennially losing millions of euros per day, firing personnel  and searching for a rich and foolish partner so that the Tricolor flag airline survives. When after five days in the Umbrian countryside the happy family settled into a roomy downtown apartment in Granada my son quipped that “though hot, south Spain is a breath of fresh air.”


As a direct result of the malfunctioning of Italy over 100,000 of the country’s best youth—most with university degrees—leave Italy each year for greener fields. Polls show that two of three young people (18-34) have lost hope. And the younger they are the less hope they have in the future. They leave Italy because they cannot find work commensurate with their abilities (in this republic constitutionally based on labor!). Or they can find no jobs of any kind. All the while youth unemployment has skyrocketed to far over 50% in south Italy. Six to ten Italians think that young people will not be able to achieve the social position of their parents. They leave and most do not return. The brain drain is a mounting disaster.



The young Italians depart and unskilled and untrained refugee-immigrants arrive while United Europe leaves the social and economic hardships created by refugee masses to Rome. Meanwhile Italian companies shut down or move to countries like Romania for the cheaper labor; entrepreneurs abandon Italy because of impossible taxes, corruption and the deep-seated structural inefficiency of services and the public administration. Bureaucratic regulations for startup enterprises –the only hope for youth—are lengthy and complex and expensive. Hiring and firing personnel is ridiculously expensive. It is a vicious circle: the best people leave because of inefficiency, resulting in worsening still more services and efficiency and in turn augmenting the loss of hope and more forced departures for Germany, UK, France or elsewhere.


Zeroing on Siciliy, Divorce Italian Style (1961) was director Pietro Germi’s fierce satirical fusillade against Italy’s obsolete ways of life. A postwar classic, it remains a window for foreigners  into the  charming but largely incomprehensible Italian character that tolerates corruption and even murder when done according to the unwritten rules of the game. (Still: Marcello Mastroianni, in the lead, as Barone Cefalu, with Daniela Rocca).

[dropcap]I[/dropcap]ncompetence and corruption permeate government, non-profits and the business sector with tragic regularity. It’s literally an old, old story. The bureaucracy in the Roman Empire caused the same problems of today. Not only Rome’s present government and its agencies and its military and police forces—even the mafia—are in the hands of a ferocious and itself corrupt bureaucracy. Since the year one a.d. it has operated under the paradoxical motto of visto che abbiamo tanto, perché non avere-prendere tutto? Since we have so much, why not have-take it all? That motto has proved exportable and its effects have become even more powerful across the Atlantic. That motto alone makes mankind’s search for a new social impulse vain and rhetorical.

“…to be anti-corruption is in essence anti-Italian.”

For much of Italian society it is almost as immoral to be actively opposed to low-level corruption as to demand bribes for performance of one’s duty. You call a trusted plumber or an electrician, you pay in black. Not even a mention of receipts. You call an authorized maintenance company and pay twice the amount. Two distinct though overlapping economies exist: the surface economy faces huge taxes and bureaucratic impediments and corruption; the underground economy belongs to the people, it too however corrupt. The latter is a society in which the difference between the corrupter and the corrupted fades. A society in which to be anti-corruption is in essence anti-Italian. At fault is also the city’s history: generalized corruption has come about because of Rome’s long and jagged past—a city so old it can stage a major exhibition in its Campidoglio dedicated to its first emperor, Augustus, of two thousand years ago, whose bureaucracy was infected with the same identical corruption. Though ancient and a legend for the rest of the world, for Romans the emperor of two millennia ago is almost current history, so that the vices of the society he founded still make a socio-political model for its peoples.



Paradoxically most Romans live their entire lives during which the word corruption does not exist. Or it has lost its significance. In the memory of every true Roman the name of Augustus is fixed from birth. Yet the Emperor’s image is non-exportable, in the same way that real Romans are non-exportable, one reason for which is the “comfort” offered by low or high level corruption.

Though Augustus and corruption are part of the glue that holds the Italic peoples together in one nation, some religious philosopher has said that the permissive Catholic religious culture unites contemporary Italians more than any other factor. Italian Catholicism has one determinant feature: forgiveness. Forgiveness in theory is a virtuous quality which however exerts a negative effect in practice: forgiveness allows believers to ignore the laws of the land with impunity and reduces to zero the fear of paying for errors. If you examine why people forgive one another so easily you often find that it is to liberate themselves from constraints. Those who seek forgiveness are afraid of being held accountable for their misdoings and those who give their forgiveness are scared of holding others accountable for their behavior because answerability could be turned against them. Moreover, the ease of obtaining “official” spiritual forgiveness makes the Italian cunning, crafty and roguish and engenders the necessity of defending himself from his fellow countrymen still more cunning than himself.


Mario Monicelli’s Big Deal on Madonna Street (I Soliti Ignoti), a legendary, often copied 1958 comedy, showcased the talents of Italy’s emerging young actors, including Marcello Mastroianni, Vittorio Gassman, Renato Salvatori, Claudia Cardinale, Tiberio Murgia and others. The movie also boasted the talents of veteran performers like Toto, Memmo Carotenuto, and Carlo Pisacane. The plot itself, about an incompetent band of would-be burglars and petty thieves pressed into breaking the law due to hardship and unemployment, was also a study in the art of survival under terrible social circumstances, Italy’s communal spirit among the poor, and her morally elastic attitude toward nonviolent crimes.

Because of their culture of forgiveness Italians are tolerant one of the other and surprisingly do-gooding though such positive characteristics are today threatened by Europeanization and laicization of the nation. After my decades here I have come to believe that the “traditional” Italian prefers cavorting in rampant but straightforward nihilism and anarchy. 

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]hen decades ago I moved from one life in Germany to a new experience in Italy, I drove again over the Brenner Pass through the Alps separating Italy from the north, amazed that the transition, though more gradual, was nearly as palpable (not quite but close!) as the passage from the USA to Mexico at the Laredo border. I paid attention to the Italian names of border cities that I had known in German. Those Italian versions are more beautiful. And then the rain that had tailed me from Munich slackened and the sun peaking through thinning clouds seemed to hold the promise of a new, more exciting life.


Italian partisans, most of them Communists or anarchists, played a significant role in expelling the Nazis from the peninsula.

Then I arrived at Trento, the south part of Alto Adige. The Council of Trent, sixteenth century. Great university. To the east the Dolomites soaring heavenwards from the plain. After WWII the Allies gave to Italy the South Tyrol, now named Alto Adige, after the Adige River running from Bolzano to the sea near Venice. German-speakers in rich Bolzano to the north are dissatisfied because their separatist-dreaming province is united with the ‘disorganized’ Italian-speaking Trento area.

Dissatisfied was also Renato Curcio, a student of Marxism-Leninism at Trent’s renowned Faculty of Sociology: he founded the Red Brigades in 1969, the feared and loved Brigate Rosse. An underground organization. Revolutionary. Fire and sword. The aftermath of the fiery year of 1968. Modeled on Tupamaros in South America and Germany’s Rote Armee Faktion and allegedly supplied with arms by Czechoslovakia and the Palestinian PLO, his BR had the moral support of three million sympathizers in Italy. Robin Hood overtones: rob the rich and give to the poor; down with the elite. Renato’s Brigadists believed the state had a heart and that they could strike it.


“Gladio has survived  in the darkness of the secret world. Much of the world is still hostage to its strategy of tension …  a ring of fear to justify state wars, state terrorism and military interventions and suppression of its own peoples…people never get it.”


By 1968 disillusionment had infected this south European land. As a result automobile and sheet metal workers became militant and aggressive, strikes and demonstrations quotidian … until Gladio bombs in a bank on Milan’s Piazza Fontana stopped the strike wave dead in its tracks. Then the police ran wild, hauling suspected leftist sympathizers in for questioning and intimidating their families, while the government passed emergency laws against suspected terrorists. This successful method of social control came to be called ‘the strategy of tension’, tension being a key factor in the psychological conditioning of the populace.The system could not last. Nor could the brutal reality of corrupt Italian secret services and maniacal CIA agents running amok.

Werner Wolff (no relation to the Nazi WW2 hero) was among the Communist partisans who captured and shot Mussolini. Wolff’s is a common Northern Italian/Tyrolean surname.

  a ring of fear to justify state wars, state terrorism and military interventions and suppression of its own peoples.  As in the USA and much of Europe, the people never get it. They are afraid. Special laws are passed and thousands of leftists are imprisoned. The populace must be afraid so that promises of security will be believed. Fear is the point. You create it with lies. That is why the state suppresses dissent, for truth is the enemy of every authoritarian state. The state media still defines Communists as the enemy. Anything is justified to crush them. Communism and terrorists and Islamic fundamentalists … and immigrants too.

Wlliam Colby, a devout Catholic, and onetime chief of the CIA’s Phoenix mass assassination program in Vietnam, died under mysterious circumstances. Colby lived by and embodied the notion of American exceptionalism.

A chance encounter-interview with the ex-chief of the CIA gave me the apparent confirmation that Gladio truly existed and was an American affair. That day now years ago I had just attended a press conference in Rome’s Grand Hotel and was sitting in the hotel bar alone when William Colby—there for that conference—sat down on a stool next to me.  We exchanged small talk about Italy before I revealed I knew he was the former director of the CIA and asked him about Gladio which I intended as a provocation. To my surprise he bragged that the covert action branch of the CIA after World War II built throughout Western Europe, what in intelligence trade parlance were known as ‘stay-behind nets’, was still alive. He said the Pentagon didn’t bother to take a stand on the subject of the secret NATO stay-behind armies because it was not even questioned by the US press. The networks were clandestine but were ready to be called into action as sabotage forces when the time came. “In 1951,” Colby said, “the chief of the CIA in Western Europe sent me—then a young intelligence officer—to help build the stay-behind network. A secret army. All top secret at the time. Our aim was to create an Italian nationalism capable of halting the slide to the left,” he said as if speaking of ancient Roman history. When I remarked that to create it they used fascist terrorists whom I had met, Colby didn’t even blink. People like Colby are truly convinced of their exceptionalism. And they don’t care about anyone else. Not even their allies.

And then rampant corruption. Later even some Red Brigadisti fell to the God corruption. Every value was for sale. Everyone had a price. For after Curcio’s time passed in 1976, a second wave of less ideologically-inspired Brigadists took over the red columns, this time manipulated by the secret services and the CIA. That experience has been repeated worldwide, from Afghanistan to Yugoslavia to Libya.

Premier Aldo Moro was abducted and killed in  1978—according to the rightist government of then by the leftist Red Brigades; according to the Left by the government and the CIA which couldn’t digest Christian Democrat Moro’s desire to bring the Communist Party into the government. That occurred after the secret services had taken over the infiltrated revolutionary movement, even though a few of the still true Brigadists believed that they could change the flow of history and rally the long-awaited revolution. A battle for justice and equality. Get out of America’s NATO. Get out of the European Union. Look eastwards. Ironic that leftist demands of then are the demands of some of the world Right today. All revolutionaries have grandiose plans, ambitious to transform the world. The goals of the genuine Red Brigades were never limited to changes that just somehow occur; their goals were those they themselves could bring about. Like Communist revolutionaries of late nineteenth century Russia, they imagined the coming revolution as a transformation, not just of Italy’s political and socio-economic order but of human existence itself. Like Leon Trotsky and like the poets Shelley and Keats who rest in Rome’s Testaccio cemetery they too wanted to overturn the world. What happened to the original Red Brigades often happens to revolutionaries. Changes were out of their control. They thought they were doing the right things to accomplish aims that they believed the Communist Party from which they came shared. The originals who dreamed of making a revolution were loyal to their aims. But as time passed, the objects, persons, faiths, ideas, nations, the iconographic objects in which they believed and to which they adhered betrayed their trust. When the time came their own party no longer shared their goals. The objects of their loyalty became disloyal to them. They became outcasts in the same way as did 16th century Giordano Bruno whose monument stands on Rome’s Campo de’ Fiori. The priests of back then banished Bruno from their ranks because he was convinced that religion was a mass of superstitions. Bruno’s unstinting rebellion on all fronts led him to the stake.

For many years I was drugged by the southern world: the brew of the pullulating cultures; the juxtaposition of the two seemingly incompatible cultures of North and South; the North, young, pristine and dark; the South, old and self-satisfied, bright and corrupt. Bolstered by the shield of Goethe and Stendhal, by generations of Italophiles and the German masses who summers head south for restoration, I surrendered to its lures. I perceived what I had missed in the North: the sensation of living a life of constant inebriation that however at any moment could transform into excess.

David Lean’s Summertime (1955), with Kathryn Hepburn as an ageing heartland American tourist in search of romance, and heart-throb Rossano Brazzi, representing the Italian realistic attitudes toward life, was as much a Hollywood formula film as a study in a clash of cultures.

Now, after all these events, I wonder. How could I have thought things were so different here? My attachment to this land was an act of love, a love that forgave the shortcomings of its unpredictable peoples. The new ways I absorbed were not always pleasant, in fact they were often as beautifully violent as the peninsula’s climate. But despite the obstacles, I integrated. And gullibly I granted my new land a kind of immunity. But with the passing of time my relationship with the country became ambiguous: I loved it but I lost trust in it. I began telling myself that I just live here. I looked around for others like me for confirmation, albeit I never became an expat to whom I feel antipathy, those happy-go-lucky Americans et al dressed in native fashions who after a few months in Paris or Rome return to Kansas City or Manchester for Christmas holidays for a taste of genuine life. As soon as they settle in foreign lands—be it Prague or Berlin or Kerala—they seek out other Americans and join an Expat club so as to feel less the distance from real life. Yet, to be fair, the choice of the expat life indicates signs of a desire—even if a bastardized imitation of reality—to be part of the world of the others, so ignored and despised by their own exceptional society.

Psychologists and environmentalists have established that it takes a few years for the transplanted foreigner to become sensitive to Rome weather. And infected with what has been called the Jerome Syndrome. When March sunrays at noon on downtown piazzas bring out innocent Nordic tourists in shorts and sandals, suspicious Romans instead mutter marzo pazzarello, crazy March, dress in multiple layers of clothing and stick to the sunny sides.

Before I moved to Italy I had imagined people sunning on Rome’s beaches in March … lounging on white deck chairs under colorful umbrellas, radios blaring, kids kicking up sand, beach volley, kites flying, fast boats roaring past, ice-cream vendors … and couples in the sand close to going all the way. The Jerome syndrome is not new. Quite old in fact. The gist of the syndrome is that after reading a Roman medical journal the English poet Jerome discovered he suffered from all the city’s winter illnesses, the aches and pains … and the popular influenza or simply a head cold. His hypochondria became known as the “Jerome Syndrome”. But then I caught it too. The city’s humidity, the sudden freezes and the winds. Antibiotic times. Rome winter. The Rome dialect poet, Gioachino Belli, wrote the most appropriate oxymoron about the syndrome’s causes: the ‘freezing tramontana emerging from hell’s fire’. The tramontana wind arriving from Siberia brings sicknesses like the chilblains that had plagued the centurions of the legions of ancient Rome.

I flitted through the streets of my eternally new city of Rome, seeking confirmations. Over cobbled alleys in the center and through the ugly semi-periphery, and through the open-air markets to the pulsating train stations, examining deserted tram tracks haphazardly covered by layers of fresh macadam but patiently waiting for the next tram to arrive—which does happen: trams are re-born into new existences, emerging magically from the pressed tar to add to the confusion Romans love. I hiked the length of ancient Via Appia to investigate the tombs and imagine the cobbled road marked by rows of the crucified dissidents of Spartacus and marching legions herding new slaves and prisoners of war from conquered foreign lands and future victims whose blood would flow on the sands of the Coliseum. Though I sometimes felt a distance from Rome, I simultaneously strived for connection with it—hoping for rapid unification of foreign me with elusive it.

Mystification is Rome thinking: the city has always been a mixture of myth and fact. The Roman historian Pliny the Elder wrote of an occult name, a reserve name for Roma that was known only to a select few. One ancient specialist alleged that to utter that sacred name outside top secret rituals was a crime carrying the death penalty. Such a legend will ring strange to foreign ears; yet might account for the millennia-old follies of the city’s denizens. All the same that secret name proved to be knowable: a derivation of Ara Volupiae or Altar of Volupia”, a Roman goddess. Oblivious to the death penalty, a Rome architect revealed to me the secret: through a series of mystical gymnastics, from the intense pleasure of voluptas you arrive at the Greek Eros, whence to the Latin Amor which as even non-etymologists can decipher is Roma written backwards. I thought I had made an astounding discovery until I noted the graffiti scribbled in black and blue and red on Rome’s subway station walls by young sweethearts who know when and at what age the word was born: the simple palindrome: ROMA-AMOR, AMOR-ROMA.

Later specialists claimed that the secret name theory derived from a Renaissance idea of creating a parallel Rome of economic power to the north, leaving the political-cultural life in the fraudulent hands of the Vatican whose presence many Romans consider the cause of the city’s backwardness and wish it was back in Avignon.

The ancient world’s biggest city became the power center of that former world. It had central heating systems, poetry readings and the nocturnal police patrols that Romans scream for today. Above all it had its legions. War! War and more war. The great aberration. The great temptation to Power in all times and climates. Few resist. With another war going on the Roman plebe could not do anything he pleased. War justified suppression. A crucifixion on Via Appia or a round of torture in a dank dungeon or an encounter with a gladiator or a hungry lion in the Coliseum arena took care of any individualism on the loose. Julius Caesar is simultaneously accused and credited with the elimination of the Roman Republic: after the demise of the Republic it was a cakewalk for his adopted son, Caesar Augustus, to create the Roman Empire. Historians inform us that Emperor Augustus’ most important achievement was to free imperial Rome from the threat of civil war by defeating the armies of Cleopatra and Marc Antony ensconced in their love nest in Africa, thus solidifying the Empire. Though it is historical child’s play to view simply as a tool to a political end the myth of the godlike nature of Augustus—born Gaius Octavius, or Octavian, in the town of Velletri in the hills of the Roman Castles area—the Emperor was admired by the mishmash of his peoples over which he ruled for forty-one years. Multiple sources concur that the living ‘god-in-waiting’ inspired genuine adoration: archaeological evidence suggests that Augustus was worshipped in the most far-flung corners of the Empire which he assembled by way of the conquest of most of Western Europe, North Africa and the Middle East, and laying claim to all the lands around the great Mediterranean Sea which Romans then called “the Roman lake”, or Mare Nostrum, our sea. Rome—city-state-nation—became an empire on the strength and loyalty of Augustus’ pampered professional army, the most feared military force of ancient history. Gibbon labeled the two hundred-year relative peace beginning with the rule of the boy from Velletri as the Pax Romana, the Peace of Rome.

The citizen of maturing Roma-Amor also had to face the most powerful bureaucracy ever known to man. Down through the ages rapacious invaders occupied the city but two things they could never change—neither the class society nor the slippery bureaucracy, neither of which have ever been subdued. Ancient Romans invented the concept of urban planning—Emperor Trajan built markets close to the Coliseum so that the plebe and his family could shop on the way home after a day at the killings. The Consular highways arriving from the corners of the empire pointed to the heart of that centralized power that already two millennia ago was concerned about the costs and complexity of upkeep, repairs, restoration and public transportation. How to finance it all as the question. Imperial wars was the answer.—one war financed by another—its professional army marching outwards over those ancient highways. Roma made the model. The roads, the legions, the arenas. Mussolini made a faulty copy of the Roman army. Hitler copied perfectly the Consular roads with his Autobahn.

As in most legends there is a grain of truth in the story of the twin brothers, Romolus and Remus, sons of a vestal virgin, abandoned on the River Tiber, suckled by a she-wolf, who then founded the city of Rome on April 21 in 753 B.C. But then according to another legend the city was founded much earlier, 438 years after the fall of Troy in the East in 1182 B.C. In either case, while north Europe was still a vast forest of darkness inhabited by babbling barbarians, the Etruscan king Servio Tullio incorporated Latin, Sabine and Etruscan peoples into the urban area around seven hills near the Great Sea—Capitoline, Palatine, Aventine, Quirinal, Viminal, Esquiline, Caelian—and enclosed the new city of the sun within the Servian Walls. Today, 2750 years later—despite the city’s periodic ups and downs—after an unbroken chain of dates and numbers and births and deaths and invasions and wars and blood-soaked arenas, among the reasons for Romans’ (sometimes linear, sometimes circular) vision of life, their fatalistic-anarchic concept of history and their lack of true spirituality, those same seven hills remain the center of Roma-Amor, while the ensuing class divisions of the new state divided between patricians and plebeians continue down to our day and have infected the entire capitalist world … as if Rome had made an eternal model. Città eterna!

The millennia of successes and failures, of victories and defeats, of Kingdom, Republic and Empire, seems to survive in the genetic makeup of contemporary Romans. I too feel the influence of those millennia and ask myself what other purpose the model of the deep-rooted class society of the corrupt, militarized Romans has served if not to enslave the majority of mankind. Romanism, Aztecism and Americanism are the exact contrary of the perfect society in which the ancients supposedly aimed at the elimination of inequality among parts of nations, at equality in parts of each people, and at betterment of the individual. Were that the reality, terms like Superpower would be meaningless today in a time in which thinking persons with unfettered minds are convinced that our world, as contemporary Earth people know it, is ready to destroy itself.

A peculiar dualism marks the Italic peoples in general: the conflict of their destructive attraction to anarchy with an enduring desire for order. This still unresolved twist of character has been Italy’s historical stumbling block: their necessity of a strong-armed authority—whether a homegrown dictator or a powerful foreign occupier—which can provide the cement to make of them a cohesive nation … and make them feel more like other Europeans. Similar to their permissive attitude toward Fascism last century they perceive of a charismatic leader as a shield against disorder. In effect protection from themselves. Promises of more police and more security are reassuring to those who see today’s enemy in immigrants and Europe and all its rules. When a powerful authority to control their inclination toward anarchy goes missing, some form of escapism and servility to a higher power from elsewhere reigns. Since Italy continues to exist as a modern European nation this formula implies that the idea of salvation in escapism and servility has surpassed—by a hair’s breadth—the deep-seated intensity of their atavistic anarchic bent. However that may be, the historic reliance on an extraneous authority has left a mark of servility on them. A perverse stain. The servility reaching back to their roots smacking of that of colonial peoples, overly sensitive to what foreigners think of them. At the same time they are forever in fear of the foreign invader of their lands coming from across the seas or over the Alps. Therefore, the observer thinks: why are Italians today not up in arms against the occupation of their country by US troops and aircraft and chemical and nuclear weapons…?

Rome is a sequence of one city-civilization after the other, one atop the other, a veritable mount of peoples and time: Republican-Imperial Rome at the base, Medieval-Renaissance Rome atop the base and, resting on both, elusive, misunderstood and misread Modern Rome, capital of an Italy re-united (in theory and in name) only one hundred and fifty years ago following centuries marked first by kingdom and Republic and Empire, then by foreign occupation, and for those reasons characterized by a preference for its geographical separation from the rest. Understandable that the three cities in one, plus the headquarters of the World Church, confuse these peoples separated from the rest of Europe—and to a lesser degree from Africa and the East—by the soaring Alps and by large bodies of over-fished and in many places polluted waters of the Mediterranean, the Ionian and the Adriatic seas. Perhaps the undoing (for pessimists) or the salvation (for optimists) of the Italic peoples was the great pre-historic geological shift that separated the peninsula from its original African home.

Although sometimes the three Romes are distinct and separate one from the other, the division lines of the Eternal City fade under layers of civilizations, division lines now submerged under the chaos of traffic and disorderly forgiveness-corruption-based urban development and inhabited by a people absorbed with new gods and deities, rites and rituals, juxtaposed on all the religions of Middle Eastern origin. The eternal of Città Eterna is its inherent chaos verging on lawlessness caused also by its Egyptian, Greek, Phoenician and Byzantine origins that make it so dissimilar from other European capitals. Or perhaps, as its ancients might have believed, it is its very Destiny to be different.


In La Dolce Vita (1960), Fellini made Rome the great uncredited actor. While the script follows Mastroianni, as a local celebrity columnist besotted with the nordic goddess that has invaded his city (Anita Ekberg practically playing herself), the movie also presents a mosaic of high society and cultural cynicism and the clash of Italic and foreign sensibilities, the latter epitomised in the contempt for Romans shown by Ekberg’s American fiancé (Lex Barker), who in the director’s eyes incorporates the ruthless brutishness of the new barbarians, and the irresistible power of a self-centered young empire.

[dropcap]F[/dropcap]ederico Fellini quipped that neurosis was largely absent in cynical and skeptical but schizophrenically child-like Romans because of the general absence of adults. The Rome that the celebrated film director projected is truly a city of badly raised children spoiled by a society ostensibly run by women who secretly consider their husbands, lovers and brothers their children who behave as spoiled children do, storming around and foaming at the mouth, throwing heavy objects through windows and not infrequently killing their women in a rage just to vent their frustrations at their loss of authority over them.

A good friend in the city of Reggio Calabria is infected with a sense of timelessness and the pandemic loneliness of Italy’s deep South. A feeling of not even being part of the world, hanging between revolt and submission, as if he were on the verge of finding an answer to the conundrum that has plagued him for years: to revolt against everything and opt for the old Italian temptation of anarchy or to succumb to the contradictory thought that his life is all illusion, in which case what does it matter what he does? 

Such thinking reminds me of the words by a Viennese professor citing Nietzsche who had noted that philosophers never express their true opinions in their books because many such ideas are too complex for words. The professor posed the question whether such books are not written in order to conceal that which resides inside us. That the true truth lies concealed in multilayered shrouds of ambiguity. Like Nietzsche who believed that every philosophy conceals another philosophy, every opinion is just a hiding place for other opinions and every word a mask covering other words. I had the thought that those are both difficult and maybe evil thoughts. Walter Benjamin wrote: We do not always proclaim loudly the most important thing we have to say. Nor do we always privately share it with those closest to us….

Things in the Mezzogiorno, the South, are so bad that you cannot find the words to describe the problems, despite the many words hurtling intractably through the indifference of the southern air. My friend conceals a constant turmoil of emotions so that he wonders just what the fuck is he doing with his life. The answer, he must have concluded, and his place in it, will forever lie outside our grasp. Everyone needs a life plan. For my friend happiness and love exists behind the closed doors and blinds along the streets of these towns outside the orbit of Reggio. Places where whole families are concealed. Where women love their men despite all, and men love their families. But he is as involved in his milieu as a lifer in a penitentiary in his, and in his every waking moment he realizes he has lost sight of a destination. There is no security exit for him.

My friend in the deep South seems to ignore the present crushing him. His very life—his past too—seems to languish. His present hold no promises of future reward. It saddens me that I cannot know his reality. His past too is invisible. He must yearn for a return to what once was, a ‘make-Reggio-great-again’ kind of thing, which he knows was not anything special in recent centuries. His nostalgia for that past should have died when his present began. But it seems to hang on. From his dejected air I conclude that his fear that not even his former better life, now cornered in the darkest recesses of his memory like a feared disease, will ever return. That process has sharpened his repressed anger at his native land. Uncertainty and threat have become his new present while his recent past fades out of his memories. I observe the streets of the old town. In rare places where the sun has found its way to the cobblestones, sagging bougainvillea around a ground floor window struggles for survival. Vases holding dried plants are cracked and faded. The atmosphere is that of a dying city. People have given up trying to save it from the corruption and organized crime and dark political powers no one understands.

At a penthouse party on Via Borgognona  I once  met a beautiful fashion stylist. Like for example, foods products, ocean liners and railway rolling stock, e.g for the Washington, DC, Atlanta, Los Angeles et al, subways, fashion is one of Italy’s booming exports: to all of the West, Russia (despite US imposed embargoes), China and Japan. Yet I was disappointed that the sexy lady only thought in terms of draping in fashion her beautiful body and the would-be beautiful people of the world. This ambitious femme fatale lectured me—a fashion innocent—about fashion-conscious Italians whom she defined as fashion “victims” and for whom she used a new word: fashionistas. Now I admit my awareness of the Italian’s susceptibility to changing clothing fashions but I am—please pardon the aside—I am linguistically offended that those same fashion conscious people ignore the travesty against their beautiful but degenerating language under the assault of countless foreign usages incomprehensible to at least ninety per cent of the people. Then I committed a gross error: I slipped into ideology and pointed out that each new word relates chiefly to one class or another in Rome’s class society divided since Augustus: youth, working classes, intellectuals, entrepreneurs, bankers and financiers, political elite, urban people, periphery people, country folk and above all the media each have their own language introducing linguistic changes relating to the social changes underway in this land. Blue collar workers understand little or ignore intellectual talk-show prattle while the masses have no idea of the meaning of the many economic terms rendered in English, like quantitative easing or spread or buy-back. On the other hand, only political activists can grasp the gist of the very Italian words of bicameralismo paritario, (that is, two houses of parliament wastefully executing exactly the same functions), which, though everyone opposes, politicians cannot agree to abolish. Such linguistic changes may be invisible to the untrained eye but every Italian is more conscious of them than one might expect in a class society. In fact all classes—except the blue collar workers—are in a mildly competitive sort of alliance, an alliance which comes into play in extreme situations and where, just as in Scandinavia, personal failures—especially economic or emotional failures—are not infrequently resolved by murder and suicide. Uninterested in my ideological thought, in her counterattack she instructed me that in the Italian fashion conscious society an elite class woman establishes a style of dress which is quickly copied by the bourgeoisie but much more slowly by the working classes of the Rome suburbs who Saturdays frequent the five hundred meters of cheap boutiques along Via del Corso selling poor imitations to buyers destined to never quite catch up with the fashions created by the host of Rome’s world famous stylists like this cold beauty who creates clothes for the wealthy, so that the less affluent classes are always two or three years behind new styles. I dared note that average people laugh at the new fashions displayed on balmy summer nights in televised shows on the picturesque Spanish Steps where Rome’s stylists show their new fashions each year. And moreover they have never heard the expression, fashionista . Besides, where and when would anyone wear anything like that, they say. She rebutted that a couple of years later, they wear it themselves and think they are up-to-date chic.

Italian school children know the legend of the meeting by a river of Julius Caesar with an ancient divinity: As he stood in doubt, a sign was given him: all of a sudden there appeared hard by a being of wondrous stature and beauty, who sat and played upon a reed. When not only shepherds flocked to hear him but many soldiers left their posts including some of the trumpeters, the apparition snatched a trumpet from one of them, rushed to the river, and sounding a war-note with a mighty blast, strode to the opposite bank.

Upon which Julius Caesar cried: “Take we the course which the signs of the gods and the false dealing of our foes point out. The die is cast.”

The river was the Rubicon.

Those words spoken on the river bank have echoed  down through the centuries, convincing most of us that the story, though perhaps only myth, is one of those happenings that had to occur, words that have been repeated down through the ages to make us believe that everything has been said and that there is nothing new under the sun.

For that reason mythology is not only disorienting, but also dangerous. Today we hear realism and materialism. Yet you are not obliged to accept that only what exists is the end. If everything that can happen has happened also to you, then you must be naked and alone in total and final seclusion in which the misery is just too great to bear and you see the end approaching,

In the end, also Augustus’ hoped-for moral renewal turned out to be mythical—as have all such renewals: bursts of humanism, crusades, causes, movements, rebirths, socio-moral reassessments, Liberalism—and the Emperor’s Rome remained a great erotic playground whose bed-chambers nightly hosted counter-myths to that of the pious Trojan hero-warrior, Aeneas, who after an affair with Queen Dido in Carthage, came to Italy and founded a movement based on devotion to duty and reverence for the gods. We moderns recognize that such Aeneas-like counter-myths continue today as reflected in cinema and literature in which Dido-like temptresses are still enjoyably ravished by amorous but complex heroes who, rather than sailing away to found cities, are held in thrall by their queens. In any case, in his forty-one years, though Augustus failed to purify Rome he planted the seed of a monotheistic spirit subsequently disseminated throughout the Western Empire which became known after its founder as Christianity.

It is not commonly known that today many Italian Communists are formally believers. A non-Leninist, non-Marxist paradox. By an historical coincidence the isolated Italian Communists rediscovered the Catholic Church at the same time other Italians abandoned it. In general, the majority of Italians today who are not agnostic are simply technical Catholics—they are baptized at birth, and go to church only for communions and funerals. The Church and the Catholic faith merely mark the beginning and the end of life; all the in-between is life itself.

Other leftists think that the Pope, his infallibility and his dogmas, the rites, myths, saints, all those millennial customs and bureaucratic structures are a lot of nonsense and that Catholicism is the queerest sect of our times. Yet non-believing Italians respect the institution since it is so quintessentially Italian—so Augustean in which every man is free to believe what he likes and to strive for virtue instead of  wickedness. For others the only interesting parts of religion concern the idea of the monotheistic God whom Christians share with Islam and Judaism.

So, as young Italians scramble to flee the country, I feel the deep chasm between the old who prefer anarchy and a young breed who consider their country a rotting and sinking ship to be abandoned hastily. Vite, vite, la vraie vie est ailleurs.

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About the author

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Our Senior Editor based in Rome, serves—inter alia—as our European correspondent. A veteran journalist and essayist on a broad palette of topics from culture to history and politics, he is also the author of the Europe Trilogy, celebrated spy thrillers whose latest volume, Time of Exile, was recently published by Punto Press.



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“Gladio has survived  in the darkness of the secret world. Much of the world is still hostage to its strategy of tension …  a ring of fear to justify state wars, state terrorism and military interventions and suppression of its own peoples…people never get it.”