RFK Jr. BLASTS Democrats For Opposing Free Speech

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Rise of Woke Empire

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Biden walks back on Ukraine’s Nato accession

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M. K. Bhadrakumar
Indian Punchline

The US President Joe Biden (R) met NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg at the White House, Washington, June 13, 2023


If only the US President Joe Biden had a time machine as in the post-apocalyptic science fiction novella by H. G. Wells, he should have used that vehicle or device to travel purposely and selectively backward through time all the way to 1999 when it was that the US lost the plot on European security and Russia’s perennial quest for mutual security with Europe.

At that defining moment of the post-cold war era 24 years ago, George Kennan was prophetic to warn the Bill Clinton administration that US-Russia relations would be irreparably damaged if the western alliance expanded to include the former Warsaw Pact countries. His advice was ignored. It is generally accepted today that the war in Ukraine is the culmination of the NATO’s relentless advance to the borders of Russia.

Agreement on Measures to Ensure the Security of the Russian Federation and Member States of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation would require that NATO members commit to no further enlargement of the alliance, including in particular to Ukraine, and the related issues concerning the alliance’s deployments, which impacted Russia’s core security issues.

Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on Security Guarantees. Taken together, the two drafts represented an opening bid by Moscow for serious negotiations but it led to no engagement since the Biden administration simply stonewalled that the US and Russia cannot cut a deal over the heads of Europeans and Ukrainians!

As the National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan famously said, “nothing about you [Ukraine] without you.” It was a lame excuse, for the Kiev regime installed in power through the US-backed unconstitutional, armed and bloody coup in Ukraine in 2014, was a mere tool of Washington.

The Biden administration thought it was cornering Moscow and setting a bear trap as Russia was damned either way — whether it passively accepted the reality of NATO presence right at its doorstep, or chose to resist through coercive means. When Russia’s special military operation began in February 2022, Strobe Talbott who was the mastermind in the Bill Clinton administration pushing through the doctrine of NATO’s eastward expansion into the former Warsaw Pact territories, tweeted congratulating the Biden Team for cornering the Russians!

Several US analysts triumphantly wrote that Russia was going to be bogged down in a quagmire with dire consequences to the country’s regime and its very existence. The western narrative gained ascendancy for a while. The rest is history.

However, in one of the great turnarounds of history in modern times, Moscow eventually prevailed in the battlefields decisively and irreversibly.

Against such a historical backdrop, Biden’s remark on Saturday that the US is “not going to make it easy” for Ukraine to join the NATO can only be seen as a retrogressive journey into the past. Biden underscored that Ukraine will be required to meet the “same standards” as any other member of the bloc, implying that Ukraine must conform to the so-called Membership Action Plan or MAP, which requires a candidate nation to make military and democratic reforms, with NATO’s advice and assistance, before a determination of membership can be made.

The MAP process can take years. Macedonia took 21 years. Biden’s remark is not only a signal to Kiev but comes at a time when there is a groundswell of opinion within the alliance that Europe and the US must provide Ukraine clear-cut NATO security guarantees, which is important for the future of European security.

In fact, Biden spoke only 4 days after meeting with Jens Stoltenberg, NATO secretary-general, at the White House last Tuesday, where, reportedly, the latter sought to simplify the accession process for Ukraine on the plea that Kiev had already made significant progress toward membership.

What prompted Biden to take a hard line? Poland’s President Andrzej Duda declared, in the run-up to his talks in Paris on June 12 with France’s President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz in the Weimar Triangle format, that Ukraine would like to have “a very concrete perspective … of joining the North Atlantic Alliance.” Duda hoped that the NATO summit in Vilnius will “send a positive message to Kiev, …that Ukraine’s future membership in NATO is clearly visible.”

Apparently, there was consensus amongst the Weimar Triangle members also that Ukraine should receive security guarantees. Scholz declared: “It is evident that we need something like this, and we need it in a very concrete form.” Macron endorsed, calling for a rapid agreement on “tangible and credible security guarantees.”

Indeed, there have been threatening noises too that if there is no concretisation on Ukraine’s membership in Vilnius, some of the “hardcore” allies may take things into their own hands, and the renegade undertaking – at the national level –- could also include stationing of troops from NATO members in Ukraine.

Now, Biden has ignored these demands from Old and New Europeans. He is confident he can shift the goal post. Maybe, Macron and Scholz are only playing to the gallery? We may never know.

The heart of the matter is that Biden realises that the ongoing Ukrainian offensive is heading for a train crash and the decimation of Kiev’s remaining army. It is uncertain how long Kiev will be able to recruit enough soldiers. The two figures whom Washington had groomed for precisely the sort of Plan B in Kiev that it needs now — commander of the armed forces Gen. Valeri Zaluzhny and spy chief Maj. Gen. Kyrylo Budanov — are out of reckoning, having been put out of action summarily by recent Russian missile strikes.

Don’t rule out an insurrection in Ukraine if war deaths become unsustainable for the society. Biden also sees that there is continuously shrinking approval in America for his war policy, which could possibly endanger his re-election. Biden pointed out to Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky during his last visit to Kiev that the funds that Washington could provide were limited. And CIA chief William Burns separately left a message with Zelensky that continued American military assistance beyond July is problematic.

Suffice to say, if Putin’s harsh remarks last week (on Tuesday and Friday) are anything to go by, the Kremlin leadership has zero trust or confidence in Biden or his European allies. Meanwhile, the plain truth is, 90 percent of Ukraine’s resource base lies in regions under Russian control. Which means that the rump state is going to be a huge drain on US resources, while Russia is showing no signs of exhaustion.

Biden has not said anything new. Biden senses that the US lost the proxy war but he must not and cannot admit it. So, in the absence of a time machine, which could have taken him all the way back to 1999when the NATO’s expansion began unfolding, Biden simply walked back to the default position of the 2008 NATO Summit at Bucharestwelcoming Ukraine into the alliance via the MAP route — as if that moment fifteen years ago is now the past and cannot be pulled back to the present. Russia is not going to accept it.


Russia won’t let Ukraine be bleeding wound

Russian President Vladimir Putin: Kiev has lost 186 tanks, 418 armoured vehicles, losses mounting, St. Petersburg, June 16, 2023  (TGP screenshot)


With the Ukrainian offensive underway for a fortnight, all eyes are on the battlefields, and, crucially, Russia’s options ahead. In a little over three weeks from now, NATO will be holding a summit in Vilnius and the West has choices to make too. We are arriving at a fork in the road. 

NATO expected the Ukrainian forces to punch through key Russian fortifications by now. In reality, they are struggling to get anywhere near the sprawling layered fortifications and in that desperate attempt, are taking massive losses, entrapped in minefields and taken to pieces by Russian artillery and missiles and the dreaded multi-role attack helicopters known as Alligator.

The signposts are best seen in Russian President Vladimir Putin’s Kremlin press conference on Tuesday, lasting over three hours, with war correspondents. In just a week’s time after Ukraine’s offensive began, “25–30 percent of the supplied equipment (from NATO) has been destroyed,” Putin said. 

Putin underscored three things. First, the goals set for the special military operations are “fundamental for us” because “Ukraine is part of the effort to destabilise Russia.” What does that mean? 

It means Russian operations will not end without realising the twin objectives of “demilitarising” Ukraine and uprooting the present neo-Nazi regime in Kiev. The security and welfare of the Russian population also remains a cardinal objective — no more pogroms. Putin said Russia is going about realising these objectives “gradually, methodically.”

Second, Putin flagged: “The Ukrainian defence industry will soon cease to exist altogether. What do they produce? Ammunition is delivered, equipment is delivered and weapons are delivered – everything is delivered. You won’t live long like that, you won’t last. So, the issue of demilitarisation is realised in very practical terms.” 

Third, the Kremlin’s preference so far has been to continue to grind down the Ukrainian military, whilst giving “selective responses” whenever any red lines were crossed — eg., Russian strikes on Ukraine’s energy system, the destruction of the headquarters of the Ukrainian military intelligence. By the way, in that Kiev strike, Russia claims to have seriously injured Ukraine’s spy chief Kyrylo Budanov, the poster boy of Western media. 

Going forward, Putin said “everything will depend on the potential that is left at the end of this so-called counter-offensive. This is the key question.” After taking such “catastrophic losses,” it is up to the leadership in Kiev to rationally think about “what to do next,” Putin said. 

He added, “We will wait and see what the situation is like and take further steps based on this understanding. Our plans may vary depending on the situation when we deem it necessary to move. That includes NATO equipment.” 

 

Given these stark realities, Kiev should roll back the offensive. But that is not going to happen. Kiev is under immense pressure from Washington to claim some dramatic success. That said, the Ukrainian reserves are not infinite, either. Around 35,000 to 40,000 strong Ukrainian reserves are facing a massive Russian deployment manifold stronger in numbers (in hundreds of thousands) and advanced weaponry, and enjoying air superiority. There is a  distinct possibility that at some point, the Russian forces may go on the offensive too. 

Against this backdrop, the West claims that the NATO Allies are “looking at an array of options to signal that Ukraine is advancing in its relationship” with the alliance, to borrow the words of the US ambassador in Brussels Julianne Smith. Andres Rasmussen, former NATO chief and presently official advisor to Ukrainian President Zelensky, has threatened that a group of NATO countries may be willing to put troops on the ground in Ukraine if member states including the US do not provide tangible security guarantees to Kiev at the Vilnius summit.

Specifically, Rasmussen claimed that “Poles would seriously consider going in and assembling a coalition of the willing if Ukraine doesn’t get anything in Vilnius. We shouldn’t underestimate the Polish feelings, the Poles feel that for too long western Europe did not listen to their warnings.” The rhetoric took a heightened tone lately at the meeting of Heads of State and Government in the format “Weimar Triangle” (France-Poland-Germany) on June 12 in Paris where a consensus emerged that Ukraine should receive some security guarantees. 

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz declared, “It is evident that we need something like this, and we need it in a very concrete form.” French President Emmanuel Macron also called for a rapid agreement on “tangible and credible security guarantees.” 

Indeed, this is all bluster. The idea of Poland “putting boots on the ground” is so patently absurd. The Polish military will wither away in a confrontation with Russia. But what such theatrics show is that nerves are on edge as the spectre of defeat in Ukraine is endangering NATO’s unity.

So, Jens Stoltenberg, NATO secretary-general, stepped in to inject some realism into the discussion, pointing out that for the present what matters most is that Ukraine survives as a nation. Stoltenberg stated: “I believe it’s not possible to give precise dates (for Ukraine’s admission as NATO member) when we are in the midst of a war… the most urgent task now is to ensure that Ukraine prevails as a sovereign, independent nation… because, unless Ukraine prevails, then there’s no membership to be discussed at all, because it’s only a sovereign, independent, democratic Ukraine that can become a NATO member.” 

Stoltenberg took the cue from Washington. In fact, he was speaking while on a visit to Washington, in an interview with PBS. 

Russia is not taking the eyes off the battlefield. In reality, Moscow is shoving down the western throat a historic strategic defeat. The choice for the West narrows down to negotiating with Russia on its terms, or to expect a military solution, which might mean the obliteration of Ukraine as a nation and the eviction of NATO. 

Make no mistake, Russian offensive plans have been drawn up. There is talk among opinion makers in Moscow about creating new facts on the ground —  a De-Militarised Zone along the Polish border. Now, that entails Russian forces crossing the Dnieper and liberating Kiev as well as liberate Kharkov and Odessa, two other Russian cities historically. Russia has no interest in annexing the western regions of Ukraine, which is hostile territory that Stalin annexed. 

But western Ukraine has other neighbours — Poland included — who would have unfinished business of partition of their historical lands to settle. The unresolved nationality question is explosive, as Poles still remember the killings by the Ukrainian nationalists aligned with the Nazis. Historians say that more than 100,000 Poles, including women and even the smallest children, perished at the hands of their Ukrainian neighbours in a nationalist drive in areas that were then in southeastern Poland and are mostly in Ukraine now. To put it mildly, what remains of Ukraine under the weight of a crushing military defeat no one can predict.   

The Kremlin will exercise its options depending on the exigencies of the situation. Moscow seems to have concluded that there is no real alternative to a military solution. It will not allow Ukraine to remain a chronic wound infected by the microbial species from the transatlantic universe. Cauterisation of the wound is necessary, albeit with potential risks. 


ABOUT THE AUTHOR / SOURCE
The author is a highly respected retired diplomat with the Indian foreign service.


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Democratic Party’s rigid position on BDS stems from big pro-Israel donors

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The fact that the vast majority of US politicians are prostitutes for sale should surprise no one at this point. 

he outraised Omar, $3.2 million to $472 thousand, and he has $2 million cash on hand compared to Omar’s $1.1 million” (according to the Hill’s hit-job on Omar).

One way to understand the donations is BDS. Ilhan Omar is for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) targeting Israel. Melton-Meaux is against it.

This is now a fault-line in the Democratic Party. The rank-and-file clearly are favorable to BDS. Polling data show that 44 percent of Democrats support BDS; while only 15 percent oppose it. Yet 92 percent of House Democrats vote for a bill that characterizes BDS as antisemitic.

Ilhan Omar threatens that official unanimity. She is the thin end of the wedge. Along with Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, Omar gives a voice on Capitol Hill to a grassroots movement that the party leadership abominates.

Why does the party leadership abominate BDS — a nonviolent campaign aimed at granting Palestinians human rights — when ordinary Democrats have no problem with it?

My own unscientific study of contributions to the Democratic Party shows that many of the largest donors are ardent supporters of Israel. Haim Saban — who pressed Hillary Clinton to oppose BDS publicly four years ago — has given well over $2.5 million to the Democratic Party’s various branches over the last 16 months, in addition to supporting Melton-Meaux.

Many other big Democratic donors are well-known supporters of Israel. I review some of those names below. And if you want to know why the party is against BDS, this is the donkey in the room: the party is getting millions of dollars from people who don’t like pressuring Israel.

Joe Biden has rejected BDS as antisemitic and promised in May that he would fight it as president:

Biden … vowed that his administration will “firmly reject the BDS movement – which singles out Israel and too often veers into antisemitism – and fight other efforts to delegitimize Israel on the global stage.”

Biden forces have insisted on anti-BDS language in the draft Democratic Party platform.

But BDS-sympathizers managed to get a free-speech disclaimer in that draft; and the issue is playing out in the grassroots. Last summer the House overwhelmingly approved legislation that calls BDS antisemitic. Democrats voted 209 to 16 on the bill. The sixteen dissenters include Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez.

AOC is a one-person wrecking ball of the party establishment in New York, with Israel implications. AOC endorsed Jamaal Bowman, who last month sent shock waves through the Israel lobby by knocking off House Foreign Affairs Chairman Eliot Engel. Bowman has approved the idea of conditioning aid to Israel because of its expansive conduct, though he has not actually endorsed BDS. A politician who has endorsed BDS — Phara Souffrant Forrest, 31– knocked off incumbent assemblyman Walter Mosley, 52, in a widely-watched race in Brooklyn. Mosley had appeared at the rightwing pro-Israel lobby group AIPAC and had pushed legislation against BDS. Souffrant Forrest had the backing of AOC and the Democratic Socialists of America.

Joe Biden’s opposition to BDS is a Democratic Party tradition. In 2015-2016, Hillary Clinton used opposition to BDS so as to reach out to pro-Israel donors.

Clinton “privately signal[ed] to wealthy Jewish donors that… she will be a better friend to Israel than President Barack Obama,” Politico reported. Even as Benjamin Netanyahu was speaking to Congress against Obama’s Iran deal in 2015 (yes, that really happened), Clinton issued statements of attachment to Israel. Months later she supported the Iran deal, but she balanced that with a letter against BDS. Leaked emails from the DNC show that donors were the core concern in her balancing act.

“[H]as she made a clear statement on Israel yet?” her campaign manager wrote. “I get this question from donors all the time. Does she need to state her principles on Israel before Iran?”

Another campaign aide answered, “That’s basically the goal of the BDS letter.”

The BDS letter was a statement of “alarm” that Clinton wrote to Saban the same month she endorsed the Iran deal:

AAH, THE GOOD AND PRIVILEGED LIFE! THEN SENATOR HILLARY RODHAM CLINTON AND HAIM SABAN AT THE 2006 SABAN FORUM. (PHOTO: MARSHALL H. COHEN, SABAN CENTER AT BROOKINGS)




I am writing to express my alarm over the Boycott, Divestment and Sanction movement, or “BDS”, a global campaign to isolate Israel…. I know you agree that we need to make countering BDS a priority.

Even though she was in the fight of her life politically, against Republicans, Clinton assured Saban she would work with Republicans on BDS: “I am seeking your advice on how we can work together – across party lines and with a diverse array of voices – to reverse this trend… and fight back against further attempts to isolate and delegitimize Israel.”

Clinton’s friendship with Republicans on this issue that goes against the Democratic street surely reflects the fact that Haim Saban was working with Sheldon Adelson, the largest Republican donor, to oppose BDS.

My unscientific survey of the 100-largest donations to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee supports the idea that donors drive this position. Several of the party’s biggest givers are fiercely pro-Israel.

–Haim Saban has given $213,000 to the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee in 2020. Saban is famous for saying, “I’m a one-issue guy and my issue is Israel.”

–Maryland Rep. and liquor baron David Trone has given $248,500 to the congressional campaign committee in the last 16 months.

Trone is very clear about Israel and BDS in his lengthy position paper on Israel.

Israel is the homeland of the Jewish People, one to which my family and I are deeply committed… we must also speak out against the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement, which is rooted in anti-Semitic sentiment – and we need to fight back against it. I am deeply troubled by the BDS movement on college campuses across the country and around the world.

–Cari Sacks and husband Michael Sacks of Illinois gave $426,000 together to the congressional campaign committee in late 2019. The Sackses surely care about Israel: their family foundation gives a lot of money to Birthright Israel and other Zionist causes.

–S. Daniel Abraham and wife Ewa Abraham, are legendary Israel supporters. They also gave $426,000, according to Open Secrets.

–Seth Klarman, the chairman of the Times of Israel, who was mentioned in an Ilhan Omar mailer as a donor to her opponent, gave $106,500 to the DCCC earlier this year.

–Donald Sussman, a liberal Democrat who is on the board of the Weizmann Institute in Israel, also gave $213,000 to the DCCC in March.

Producer Jeffrey Katzenberg, who gave $112,000 in March 2020, is an ardent supporter of Israel.

–Andrew Hauptman appears to have wide interests philanthropically, but Israel is one of them. He gave $109,000 in March 2020.

–John Pritzker gave $106,500 in February. Pritzker’s family foundation has given money to an Israeli cultural organization.

Right there you have over $2 million in gifts from a dozen pro-Israel donors. You can imagine that that money means a lot to the Democrats, when the average gift is a lot closer to $250 a pop. 

No wonder Nancy Pelosi has said that the Capitol would crumble and fall before the Congress turns against Israel. She spoke on a stage with Haim Saban, two months after his $1 million to a Democratic House majority pac in the last cycle helped do just that. Pelosi:

If this Capitol crumbled to the ground, the one thing that would remain would be our commitment to our aid, I don’t even call it our aid, our cooperation with Israel. That’s fundamental to who we are.

In adding up those numbers, I am not counting Steven Spielberg, who cares about a lot of issues but is Israel-friendly. Or supporters of liberal Zionist causes, like George Soros and Steve Silberstein. Presumably they might support real pressure on Israel.

Another thing the DCCC records show is that while Jews are obviously many of the largest givers to the Democratic Party (conventional wisdom saying about half of Democratic gifts come from Jews), most of those Jewish givers seem to care about other things than Israel. For instance, Susan Zadek Mandel cares about the environment and education, Josh Bekenstein cares about the environment, hospitals, the arts, Boston civic organizations, refugees.

Thanks to Dave Reed and Michael Arria.

Philip Weiss is the founding editor of Mondoweiss, a site dedicated to critical analyses of Israeli life, zionist politics and misdeeds.

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Washington Post op-ed calls for news media to censor videos of police brutality

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An opinion piece published in the Washington Post last week by ESPN sportswriter and journalism professor at the University of Maryland Kevin Blackistone calls on the news media to censor images of police brutality and killings of African Americans.

The column, titled “Why I can’t watch the police videos anymore,” is accompanied by a short video (“This is why the media should not replay viral videos of black men being killed”), in which Blackistone, who is African American, demands that media outlets “give greater consideration to how they display these deaths.” What is implied is that such videos should be removed or their viewings limited by those in control.

According to Blackistone, “[w]e don’t see people having visceral reactions” to filmed episodes of sadistic police violence. Instead, “they watch this as if it’s theater.”

By people, Blackistone clearly means “white people.” This inference is made clear when he likens police brutality caught on film to postcard images of lynchings in the Deep South in the early 20th century. Asserting that such videos have “never been in opposition to the inhumanity of these acts,” Blackistone asks, “How many times have you seen a slain white body in the media?”

One might ask what gives Blackistone such penetrating insight into the thought processes of the millions of people who view the videos of police beatings and murder that so frequently “go viral” in the United States. It is likely that his assertions about the reactions of white viewers are more a reflection of his conceptions than theirs.

In fact, in the years since the 2014 police slaying of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, dozens of bystander videos of police violence against unarmed people, white as well as black, have sparked angry protests against police brutality. In Ferguson in 2014 and Baltimore in 2015, following the police killing of Freddie Gray, declarations of emergency were issued and National Guard troops deployed to put down widespread protests, which spread beyond those cities to cities and towns across the country.

These events, culminating in the current wave of multi-racial and multi-ethnic protests across the US and around the world, refute Blackistone’s contention that “white people” who view such atrocities sympathize with the police, not the victims.

Moreover, it is false and absurd to draw an equal sign between the racial attitudes of people in America a century ago and the attitudes of the population today. Vast changes in the social outlook of the population have occurred, corresponding to the increased integration of workplaces over the past 75 years. The Great Migration of millions of African Americans from the rural south to northern industrial cities from approximately 1915 to 1970 encouraged the development of social consciousness among workers of all races.

According to a 2017 Pew study, a large majority of the population (81 percent) had views of interracial marriage that were favorable or neutral. In contrast, less than 10 percent looked upon such relationships in a negative way. In 2015, 17 percent, or almost a fifth, of all opposite-sex marriages were interracial, up from only 3 percent in 1967, when the Loving v. Virginia Supreme Court decision overturned anti-miscegenation laws.

Of course, racism still exists, but it is false to claim that the United States today is dominated by racism or exemplifies “white supremacy.” The most virulent forms of racism are concentrated within the frontline elements of the capitalist state, such as the police and immigration agents who are charged with policing the population on behalf of the ruling class.

According to Blackistone, people viewing images of police violence tend not to see “that this person [being killed] was a human being.” Instead, the murder of innocent people by police is “normalized… a distant reality.”

The journalist-professor cites a National Institute of Health study from 2017 that finds “deaths [by police] that go unpunished send a message to Black communities that their bodies are police property, disposable, and undeserving of dignity and justice.” The study adds that such incidents “can bring about collective anger, grief, and hopelessness.”

In other words, the NIH warns, in addition to “hopelessness” and more passive expressions of hostility, such atrocities can stoke “collective anger” and mass opposition. In calling for the suppression of such videos, Blackistone joins in opposing such mass expressions of social anger.

Who would benefit from such censorship? Not the minority and working class victims of police violence, but the perpetrators.

In the initial days of the protests following George Floyd’s murder, some Democratic Party politicians and black nationalist allies reacted to the multi-racial character of the demonstrations by accusing “suburbanites,” i.e., whites, of “intruding” into the protests and fomenting violence. They openly expressed the fear and hostility within the ruling class toward a movement that refuted the racialist narrative that has been an ideological and political pillar of capitalist rule in America for the past 50 years.

If, moreover, censorship is a positive good when it comes to police violence, then surely there are other events and opinions that would similarly be better suppressed. The logic of Blackistone’s position leads inexorably to censorship of all forms of journalism and art. Anything that could lead to “collective anger” and produce opposition to the present social order must be suppressed.

While Blackistone acknowledges the “evidentiary value” of such film, his argument for censorship puts him squarely on the side of the police. Government officials and police departments regularly seek to withhold incriminating evidence and videos from the public by claiming that such films would “upset” the families of the victims or jeopardize an ongoing investigation. In the current protests, the police have repeatedly targeted reporters in an effort to prevent their actions from being reported. And police officers routinely fail to turn on, or deliberately turn off, body cameras to ensure that an incident is not recorded.

That the Washington Post is giving credence to such views is not an anomaly. Along with the New York Times, the Post has been a chief media mouthpiece for the claims that Russian online “disinformation” has “sown discontent” in American society around “sensitive social issues.” This authoritarian argument has been used to censor left-wing opposition to US imperialism on the internet and to persecute courageous journalists such as WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.

It is the healthy, humane and democratic reaction of millions of people to the exposure of wanton police violence, thanks to cell phone videos and social media, that concerns the ruling class, as well as its media and academic apologists such as Blackistone.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
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