Mexico human rights body sees faults in probe of 43 missing

MexicoRights-demo

Relatives and friends of the 43 missing students from Ayotzinapa hold their portraits in Mexico City on March 26, 2015

© Provided by AFP


[dropcap]M[/dropcap]exico’s human rights agency said Thursday it had found shortcomings in the official investigation into last year’s disappearance and presumed slaughter of 43 college students.


 

The National Human Rights Commission said in a preliminary report that it found “flaws in the inquiries, lack of attention and assistance to victims, and omissions in the diligence” of prosecutors.

The commission urged investigators to question again police officers and soldiers deployed in the area on the night of the September 26-27 disappearance in the southern Guerrero state town of Iguala.

Authorities should also trace the use of two cellphones belonging to the students after local police attacked the group of young men in a night of violence that left six people dead and 43 missing.

“Due diligence is needed to have an investigation of the scale of the event,” commission president Luis Gonzalez told a news conference.

The attorney general’s office concluded that crooked local police confronted the students on the orders of the mayor after the young men arrived in buses that they had commandeered.

The officers abducted 43 of the students and handed them over to the Guerreros Unidos drug gang, which killed them and incinerated their bodies, according to prosecutors.

Dozens of officers and gang suspects have been detained, along with the mayor.

Only one of the students has been identified among charred remains found in a landfill. Parents of the missing have rejected the government’s conclusions.

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Mexico: an Authoritarian System in Crisis

Obama Should Refrain From Propping Up Mexico’s Government (but he won’t)

Street theater by Hildy, "informational picket", raising awareness about the murder of 43 students in Ayotzinapa (Mex.), in Nov. 2014. (Via flickr, Atoq WallPa Sua)

Street theater by Hildy, “informational picket”, raising awareness about the murder of 43 students in Ayotzinapa (Mex.), in Nov. 2014. (Via flickr, Atoq WallPa Sua)

CLICK IMAGE TO ENLARGE TO MAXIMUM RESOLUTION

LAURA CARLSEN

[dropcap]Mexican President [/dropcap]Enrique Peña Nieto is traveling to Washington, seeking to bolster his support in the United States as it rapidly unravels in his own country. But President Barack Obama has much to lose by propping up the faltering Mexican leader.

Protests over the murder of six people and the disappearance of 43 students from a rural teachers’ college in Ayotzinapa continue, both inside Mexico and among Latino communities in the United States. Demonstrations attended by hundreds of thousands of Mexicans began with the demand to bring the students back alive and have now broadened into a call for the president’s resignation.

The students were last seen being taken away by the local police of Iguala, Guerrero on the night of September 26. Three were killed when police opened fire on them without warning, and the rest were allegedly handed over to gang members. Protesters call the massacre a “crime of the state.”

The mayor of Iguala, José Luis Abarca, is being held for ordering the attacks and for colluding with the regional drug cartel, Guerreros Unidos. Feeling the heat, the state’s governor, Angel Aguirre Rivero, resigned on October 23. Civil society groups and a Twitter campaign are calling for an investigation of Aguirre for complicity in the crime and for protecting Abarca.

Nor are national authorities exempt. Recent evidence shows that the Mexican Army and Federal Police had knowledge of the incident before, during, and after it occurred. But although they were based just moments away, they did not protect the students. There is also evidence to suggest that they were directly involved in the crime.

Since the killings, the Peña Nieto administration has fumbled along in what appears to be a massive cover-up. The president first insisted that the crime was under the state government’s jurisdiction, despite the fact that transnational criminal organizations were implicated and that international law considers enforced disappearances “by their very nature a crime against humanity.

Later, Attorney General Jesus Murillo Karam announced a finding that the Guerreros Unidos gang had murdered the students and buried their bodies in clandestine graves. When the 30 bodies recovered turned out not to be the missing students, he declared that the criminals had incinerated the bodies at a dump in nearby Cocula and thrown the ashes in the river. One student was identified among remains found in bags in the river. But the parents and some forensics experts dispute the hypothesis of mass incineration at the dump.

We may never know the truth. Peña Nieto presides over a nation of impunity, where 98.3 percent of crimes go unpunished. The justice system has gotten worse, not better, under attempts at reform that have been heavily funded by the U.S. government.

Protesters today follow a long tradition of fighting for democracy in Mexico. After overthrowing a dictator in 1911, the country suffered years of bloodshed. Despite gains in social justice, authoritarian, one-party rule was established under the telling name of the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI, by its Spanish initials), whose rule lasted for 71 years.

Although the PRI achieved relative stability (a plus for trading partners like the United States), it instituted corruption and coercion as the modus operandi of politics. It was former PRI leader Carlos Hank González who coined the phrase “a poor politician is a bad politician” to reflect the assumption that part of a politician’s job is to syphon off public funds.

Peña Nieto’s election in 2012 marked the return of the PRI after the party lost the presidency in 2000 and again in 2006. Many, including a student movement called IAm132, warned of a return of the old ways.

Last year, journalists revealed that Peña Nieto’s family home was financed by a construction firm heavily favored with government contracts while Peña Nieto was governor of the state of Mexico, the populous federal state that borders Mexico City. This same firm was part of a consortium that was granted a contract for $3.7 billion to build a light rail line by Peña Nieto’s government. As a result of public outcry, the contract was rescinded. But questions about the $7-million mansion remain.

If Obama gives Peña Nieto the expected pat on the back, it will be a stab in the back to the Mexican movement for justice and transparency. Obama and Congress should instead announce their full support for a thorough investigation of the disappearances and the suspension of all police and military aid to Mexico. Congress must also immediately stop funding Plan Mexico — the drug war aid package formally known as the Merida Initiative that has appropriated about $2.4 billion to Mexico — and look closely and responsibly at what U.S. aid to Mexican security forces is actually supporting: namely, human rights abuses.

Our government should respect our own stated principles and laws on human rights and democracy, as well as Mexicans’ efforts to save their nation from the abyss into which it’s fallen.

President Obama must no longer lend U.S. political and economic support to an authoritarian system in crisis.


 

Laura Carlsen is the director of the Americas Program in Mexico City and advisor to Just Associates (JASS) .
SOURCE: Counterpunch




 

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Mexico reels, and the U.S. looks away

n Mexico City, demonstrators march with signs saying "It was the state" and showing images of Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, right, and Atty. Gen. Jesus Murillo Karam in a protest over the disappearance of 43 college students. November 14, 2014, 11:19 p.m. Eduardo Verdugo / Associated Press

In Mexico City, demonstrators march with signs saying “It was the state” and showing images of Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, right, and Atty. Gen. Jesus Murillo Karam in a protest over the disappearance of 43 college students.
November 14, 2014, 11:19 p.m.
Eduardo Verdugo / Associated Press

BY RUBÉN MARTÍNEZ (November 15, 2014)
Los Angeles Times

The violent disappearance of 43 students from the Ayotzinapa teachers college in Guerrero state has caused a political earthquake the likes of which Mexico has not seen in generations — perhaps even since the revolution of 1910.

That makes it all the more baffling how little attention most people in the U.S. have paid to the unfolding tragedy. To understand the historical significance — and the moral and political gravity — of what is occurring, think of 9/11, of Sandy Hook, of the day JFK was assassinated. Mexico is a nation in shock — horrified, pained, bewildered.

These emotions have been swelling since late September but have become overpowering since Mexican Atty. Gen. Jesus Murillo Karam held a news conference this month detailing the federal government’s investigation into the students’ disappearance, which relies heavily on testimony from men who allegedly participated in their slayings.


Related Content A call for authentic democracy in Mexico

 The Editors opine:

The drug war is only part of the explanation. The larger issue is an endemic, stubborn poverty that should have been eliminated a century ago if the US had not intervened repeatedly to boost native plutocrats and pliable crooks in order to stifle attempts at genuine revolution.


Jose Luis Abarca and his wife, Maria de los Angeles Pineda, the then-mayor and first lady of Iguala, the city where the abductions took place, have been dubbed the “imperial couple.” On Sept. 26, authorities say, Pineda was upset that protesting students had commandeered buses to attend a demonstration, worrying that their actions might disrupt an important political event she was headlining. Her husband gave local police the order to make sure that didn’t happen. After shooting six students and wounding several others, witnesses said, police handed the remaining 43 over to a local drug gang, Guerreros Unidos, to finish the job. Students who survived the attack said army personnel were in the area and aware of what was happening, yet did nothing to stop the massacre.

The fact that the local and state governments were both run by the leftist opposition Democratic Revolution Party, or PRD, decimated for many the fantasy that the modern Mexican left is a viable alternative to the center and right parties that have held the presidency in recent years. There is a sense that the entire ideological spectrum of the political class is tainted.

Finally, the portrait that emerged of the 43 disappeared — rural first-year teaching students from one of the poorest states in Mexico — made clear that they were not, as former president Felipe Calderon had intimated of the tens of thousands of victims during the early years of the drug war he initiated, corrupt and somehow deserving of their fate. They were simply innocent victims.

It was against this backdrop that Murillo Karam strode to the podium and began his news conference. How could he be perceived as anything other than the embodiment of a thoroughly contaminated state, one in which the narco is the politico is the police is the army? As he laid out the evidence, which included horrific descriptions of the assassins’ attempt to leave no evidence, in the eyes of many Mexicans he might as well have been confessing to the crime himself.

A few hours after the news conference, the flames of a Molotov cocktail erupted before the National Palace in the grand Zocalo, or central square, of Mexico City, where a huge sign declared, “Fue el Estado” — “It was the State.” By and large, the leaderless civil society movement has proceeded peacefully, but on occasion, protesters have given the tainted state a dose of what they consider to be its own medicine — the very flames that burned the flesh of the students

So if there is so much pain and passion in Mexico, our neighbor, a country with which we share a 2,000-mile-long border as well as profound economic and cultural ties, why such American indifference?

It has become something of a truism to point to how deeply the United States is implicated in the drug war. American demand, Mexican supply. American guns, Mexican bloodbath. And yet the merciless violence south of the border — which Mexicans now see as the state mutilating its own people — makes it easy to think of the drug war as Mexico acting out its dark obsessions. What Americans can’t face is precisely that we’ve broken bad together with Mexico: that corruption is a binational affair, extending to rotten apples among our Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and to an American political class that cynically keeps in place the amoral machinery of the drug war.

Shortly before Murillo Karam’s news conference, the parents of the Ayotzinapa students, already informed of what was about to be revealed publicly, exhorted the world, “No nos dejen solos” — “don’t leave us alone” — because no one can face such trauma without others. On Thursday, Nov. 20, the civil society movement will celebrate the 104th anniversary of the Mexican Revolution with a national day of marches and work stoppages. Will Americans notice?

Rubén Martínez is a professor of literature and writing at Loyola Marymount University. He is the author, most recently, of “Desert America: A Journey Across Our Most Divided Landscape.”

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Laws That Kill Protesters in Mexico

Protest in Mexico*

[S]an Bernardino Chalchihuapan, Mexico – People in this town in the central Mexican state of Puebla found out the hard way that protesting can be deadly.

A new law passed in Puebla makes it possible for police to use firearms or deadly force to break up demonstrations.

Local inhabitants felt the impact of the measure during a harsh crackdown on a protest against another law that they say undermines their autonomy.

A dead 13-year-old boy, another who lost three fingers, a third with a broken jaw and teeth knocked out, a driver who lost an eye, and 37 others injured by beatings and tear gas were the price this Nahua indigenous town of 3,900 people paid for blocking a road to demand the repeal of a state law that transferred responsibility over civil registries from local community authorities to the municipalities.

“It’s not fair that they attack the people like this just because we are asking that our community life, our authorities, be respected,” Vianey Varela, a first year high school student, told IPS.

On Jul. 9, when local residents blocked the Puebla-Atlixco highway some 150 km from Mexico City, the state police first used the powers given to them by the Law to Protect Human Rights and Regulate the Legitimate Use of Force by the police, which the state legislature passed in May.

The “Ley Bala” or Bullet Law, as it was dubbed by journalists, allows Puebla state police to use firearms as well as “non-lethal weapons” to break up “violent” protests and during emergencies and natural disasters.

The roadblock was mounted to protest another state law approved in May, which took away from the local authorities the function of civil registry judges or clerks and put it in the hands of the municipal governments.

As a result, since May, in at least 190 villages and towns in the state, no one has been born, no one has died, and no one has been married – at least officially, because there are no records.

Javier Montes told IPS that he became “presidente auxiliar”- a post just under mayor – of San Bernardino Chalchihuapan in May, but added that “I still haven’t signed a thing. The archives are in our care, but we don’t have stamps or the necessary papers. And in the municipal presidency [mayor’s office] they don’t know what to do, so in the meantime nothing is being registered.”

“We sent letters to all the authorities,” said Montes, who has received anonymous threats for speaking out. “They never responded. When the ink and paper ran out, and our fingers were worn out from so much typing, we went out to protest and this is what happened.”

The town is in the municipality of Ocoyucan and the local inhabitants belong to the Nahua indigenous community. According to the latest estimates by the government’sNational Commission for the Development of Indigenous Peoples, the native population of Puebla is one million people – one quarter of the state’s total population.

In Mexico’s municipalities there is a “presidente” or mayor, and “presidentes auxiliares”, who are the highest level authorities in the communities, many of which are remote and located far from the seat of the municipal government.

The presidentes auxiliares name the police chief and run the town. And up to May they were also the civil registry judges or clerks..

They are directly elected by local voters without participation by the political parties, and they tend to be highly respected local leaders who are close to the people.

In the Jul. 9 police crackdown, 13-year-old José Luis Alberto Tehuatlie was hit by a rubber bullet in the head and died after 10 days in coma.

The Puebla state government initially denied that rubber bullets had been used. But the public outrage over the boy’s death forced Governor Rafael Moreno to announce that he would repeal the law.

Puebla is not the only place in Mexico where there have been attempts to regulate public protests. In the last year, the legislatures of five states have discussed similar bills.

The first was, paradoxically, the Federal District, in Mexico City, which has been governed by the leftwing Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) since 1997.

In the capital street protests are a daily occurrence, but since the very day that Enrique Peña Nieto was sworn in as president, on Dec. 1, 2012, demonstrations and marches have frequently turned violent.

A Federal District bill on public demonstrations, introduced in December 2013 by lawmakers from the rightwing opposition National Action Party, failed to prosper.

In April, the southeastern state of Quintana Roo, ruled by the governing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), became the first part of Mexico to regulate protests.

A state law, the “Ley de Ordenamiento Cívico“, known as the “anti-protest law,” is a toned-down version of another initiative that would have required demonstrators to apply for a permit to protest at least 48 hours ahead of time.

But the law maintains the ban on roadblocks and allows the police “to take pertinent measures” against demonstrators.

Other initiatives to regulate and allow the “legitimate use of force” have been adopted in the states of San Luis Potosí and Chiapas.

Global rights groups like Article 19 and Amnesty International have spoken out strongly against these laws aimed at regulating demonstrations, pointing to a worrisome tendency towards the criminalisation of social protests in Mexico since 2012.

But the governmental National Human Rights Commission has failed to make use of its legal powers to promote legal action challenging the anti-protest initiatives as unconstitutional.

On the contrary, in October 2013 it recommended that the Senate amend article 9 of the constitution referring to the freedom to hold public demonstrations and to the use of public force.

The Jul. 9 protest was not the first time rubber bullets have been used in Puebla.

Just hours before Tehuatlie’s death was confirmed, the Puebla state secretary of public security, Facundo Rosas, showed a document from the secretariat of national defence which indicated that the government had not purchased rubber bullets under the current administration.

However, in December 2011 the state human rights commission rebuked the Puebla police chief for the use of rubber bullets to evict local residents of the community of Ciénega Larga, when 70-year-old Artemia León was injured, as reported by the Eje Central online news site.

It became clear in conversations that IPS held with people in San Bernardino Chalchihuapan that they are very angry. Hundreds of people attended the boy’s funeral, on Jul. 22, where many of them called for the governor’s resignation.

“Why doesn’t he try the rubber bullets on his own kids,” said one man after the funeral, which was attended by some 40 “presidentes auxiliares” from other communities.

So far no one has been held accountable for the boy’s death.

Visit IPS news for fresh perspectives on development and globalization.

______________
*(Photo: Citt / Flickr)



Capitalism and Its Mexican Genocide

Economic War
Updated 5.18.14

map-of-mexican-drug-cartels_full_6001

By Mateo Pimentel 

Capitalism accumulates wealth and profits the capitalists, whether under the aegis of a formal, or informal economy. But when greed is pitted against greed, as is common today, the people seldom benefit. Currently, we are witnessing a bloody clash between both realms of economy, a clash embodied by Mexico’s drug wars. Moreover, this warring south of the US borderland is no longer a simple byproduct of the capitalist clash in question. Simply put, the Mexican drug war amounts to genocide.

The ensuing genocidal tear in Mexico’s social fabric yet functions to profit those who grow richer from upped production and sales in both market places. Additionally, there is little-to-no comparable spillage over to the US side of the border. The reason for this is self-evident:  HYPERLINK “http://www.nytimes.com/2009/03/26/world/americas/26mexico.html?_r=0” American consumption drives both economies!

The misfortunate collateral in the war between formal economic fascists and the informal economy’s drug oligopoly includes the wanton destruction of Mexico, the terrorizing of its people, and the unnecessary loss of life. Deaths total some  HYPERLINK “http://ncronline.org/news/global/counting-mexicos-drug-victims-murky-business” 125,000 after Calderon’s reign ended in 2012, coupled with nearly  HYPERLINK “http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/mexicos-crime-wave-has-left-up-to-25000-missing-government-documents-show/2012/11/29/7ca4ee44-3a6a-11e2-9258-ac7c78d5c680_story.html” 30,000 disappearances in 2013 alone.

No more should die in this bloody tug-of-war for profits. We need to pursue the condemnation of this mounting genocide. Revealing it for what it is can be the first step in that direction. Furthermore, connecting the death toll and the murderous proclivities of capitalist forces with the elements of genocide is  absolutely essential: It is responsible for all genocidal acts.

Consider the literature espoused by the Office of the UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide (OSAPG). Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948) defines genocide as,

http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-24772724” beheading and murdering seeks to destroy them “in part,” if not “in whole.” But whereas some may say, or claim, that the hundreds of thousands of victims do not belong to any particular “national” group, how could it be more obvious that they do? Their unification rests in their innocence. So, how many more must die to have the rest of the world turn from shaking its head to actually working against the true genocidal warlords and their handiwork in Mexico?

The “Analysis Framework,” set forth by the OSAPG provides eight categorical factors to determine whether or not a risk of genocide exists in a given situation. A look into this framework further uncovers the genocide that is happening in Mexico today. The categories are unranked, and any absence of information regarding one or more categories does not presuppose an absence of genocide, or of the risk of genocide. The aggregate effect of these factors is what ultimately matters. It is through looking at these categories and assessing their cumulative effect that the genocide in Mexico becomes unbelievably more apparent.

The first factor is “Inter–group relations, including record of discrimination and/or other human rights violations committed against a group.” Just a few of the issues that need be addressed under this first category bespeak the real horror of the homicides, the homicidal violence, and the ‘disappearances’ in Mexico that are wrought by warring over accumulation. To start, there are serious tensions, including power and economic tensions, between victims of the drug war and their aggressors. There is an existing conflict regarding “land, power, security and expressions of identity.” There is a (homicidal)  HYPERLINK “http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/calderon-finishes-his-six-year-drug-war-at-stalemate/2012/11/26/82c90a94-31eb-11e2-92f0-496af208bf23_story_1.html” discrimination against the victims of the informal economy’s illicit drug trade, including the stalwarts of the formal economy and their military client terrorists sicced on all opponents in Mexico. In addition, there are discriminatory practices at many levels of political life, systematic exclusions of the victims from positions of power, and massive  HYPERLINK “http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/11/12/mexico-build-accurate-database-disappeared” human rights violations.

The second factor is considering “Circumstances that affect the capacity to prevent genocide.” Arguably, there is little, if any, operative legislative protection, effectual national  HYPERLINK “http://www.amnesty.org/en/news/un-mexico-must-address-dire-human-rights-situation-concrete-actions-not-rhetoric-2014-03-19” human rights institutions, or an applicable presence of international actors (like the UN) present in Mexico. Even assuming the presence of such elements, none are clearly capable of protecting the vulnerable group of victims. At least, they have not been. Mexico, in fact, just legalized  HYPERLINK “http://www.latinpost.com/articles/12278/20140511/mexico-legalizes-vigilante-groups-fuerzas-autodefensas-formed-because-of-governments-inability-to-stop-attacks.htm” vigilante groups to help combat the problem, despite joint ventures with the DEA and whatever other funding it receives from the US.

Number three is the “Presence of illegal arms and armed elements.” Upwards of  HYPERLINK “http://www.foxnews.com/us/2012/04/26/mexico-seized-68000-guns-from-us-since-2006/” 70,000 guns were found by Mexican authorities between the years 2006 and 2012. An alarming number of these weapons came from US border states. Furthermore, the OSAPG’s third category suggests such weapons as indicative of genocide when “there exists a capacity to perpetrate genocide,” including but not limited to killing. Unfortunately, conditions in Mexico vis-à-vis arms and the capacity for genocide point toward genocide rather than away from it.

Number four on the list of OSAPG’s categories is “Motivation leading actors in the State/region; acts which serve to encourage divisions between national, racial, ethnic, and religious groups.” The key element worth consideration here is any relevant role, active or passive, of actors outside the country such as foreign governments, and their political or economic incentives for acting.  HYPERLINK “http://www.cfr.org/mexico/mexicos-drug-war/p13689” The US has poured untold amounts of money into Mexico for the sole purposes of eradicating illicit drug trade and its illicit drug oligopoly. The price has been paid in full in innocent Mexican blood. Genocide, given this fourth category, is also apparent.

Five: “Circumstances that facilitate perpetration of genocide (dynamic factors).” To be sure, there are events that “suggest a trajectory towards the perpetration of genocidal violence” in Mexico. There is a  HYPERLINK “http://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/07/world/07drugs.html?pagewanted=all” strengthening of military and security apparatuses; there is the imposition of extraordinary security measures that deteriorate Mexicans’ civil rights/liberties. All of the above only increases with time.

For category six, “Genocidal acts,” certain elements are painfully apparent. There are killings, abductions/disappearances, torture, rape, etc. – acts defined as obvious elements of genocide under Article 6 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Less obvious notes hum in the background of the whole affair: displacement, death threats, disfigurement/injury,  HYPERLINK “http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/americas/torture-surges-in-mexicos-drug-war-rights-group-says/2011/11/09/gIQAphSI6M_story.html” torture, etc.

Category seven refers back to the original, working definition of genocide set forth by the OSAPG and the “intent to destroy in whole or in part…” In Mexico today, there is a large-scale armed conflict, invariable beheadings and other signature torture methods, dismemberment of “those already killed,” revealing “a level of dehumanization of the group or euphoria at having total control over another human being…” There are also targeted eliminations of leaders, whether local Mexican officials or  HYPERLINK “http://www.newsweek.com/2014/05/02/murder-juarez-247089.html” US Consulate workers.

Finally, category eight addresses “Triggering factors.” Currently, there has been military deployment to act against civilians assumed to be part of the illicit drug trade and its oligopoly. There have been armed hostilities for years, with hundreds of thousands of innocent Mexicans caught in the middle of it all. Unfortunately, the drug wars taking place in Mexico match many elements of the eight categories set forth by the OSAPG, all of which are necessary for analyzing genocide, or the possibility thereof. The UN’s “Analysis Framework” also mentions that genocidal intent can develop gradually. It does the skeptic well to consider that there is nothing gradual about tens of thousands of deaths within the span of six years, accompanied by the untold thousands of abductions and disappearances. The time to act against this genocide wrought by economic warring is now. No more people should die in a genocide over profit in Mexico. Despite the usual discontents of capitalism, this warring and the economic depredations borne by the Mexican people do not stop when the press or popular rhetoric arrives at words like “victim,” or “casualty.” This only discolors the truth. What is happening now is nothing  short of genocide; it can have no other name.

Mateo Pimentel lives on the Mexican-US border, writing for many alternative political newsletters and publications. Much of his work can be found on CounterPunch.com