On Russia, Slavs and Race

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K. Philippe Gendrault



The Putin-Biden Summit in Geneva did not—could not—dismantle the huge US establishment investment in Russsophobia.


As the press and the media claim, the relationship between the United States and Russia is particularly tense, even at a time when J. Biden just met with V. Putin. Russia, Russia, Russia. The United States continues to be literally obsessed with that country. Notwithstanding the new cold war with China, Russia keeps on being the target of American wrath, fears and anxieties. Seemingly underhanded, prone to cyberterrorism, constantly challenging and interfering in American affairs, both domestic and abroad, Russia, if one listens to the mainstream media, persists in remaining a thorn in “democracy’s” side. 

Of course, at the mere mention of Russia, most will associate the Soviet bear and the [putative] moral corruption its communist ideology unleashed onto the benevolent, peace-loving and freedom-loving world, i.e., Western social-democracies with the US at the helm. In light of the fact that the Russian Federation is no longer socialist, one might ponder why the United States and Europe carry on this veritable cold war obsession with Russia. 

Recently, J. Biden answered in the positive whether V. Putin was a killer.  A reporter for the Atlantic stated, “I looked into his [Putin] eyes once, and what I saw scared me half to death” (The Atlantic, 03/02/14). H. Clinton stated that “Putin does not have a soul” (Politico, 01/06/08), which was echoed by J. Biden in 2011 who is claimed to have told the Russian leader, “Mr. Prime Minister, I am looking into your eyes, and I don’t think you have a soul” (The Hill, 07/21/14). Whereas G. W. Bush felt able to see V. Putin’s soul in a more or less positive fashion, when asked if he saw what Bush saw, Obama stated, “I looked the man (Putin) in the eyes and saw… the enemy” (Dallas Morning Post, 06/29/10).

The Russian revolution Stoddard asserts, “set revolutionists everywhere aquiver, firing their blood, inflaming their “will to power,” and nerving their hearts to victory.” But, Stoddard explains, Russia was more susceptible to revolutionary ardor because of its atavism, “its veneers of civilization laid thinly over instinctive wildness and refractory barbarism.”

One could certainly wonder why so many people seem so keen on gazing into the Russian leader’s eyes and more particularly why they assume this will inform them on the man’s character and particularly on geopolitical relations between the Russian Federation and the United States. The concern for his soul or rather the concern to figure out whether he has a soul or not appears to be no less important in US politics… This is reminiscent of a controversy (2018) surrounding the death penalty case of a Black individual that occurred when one of the jurors, a certain B. Gattie, expressed his views claiming, “After studying the Bible, I have wondered if Black people even have souls” (Newsweek, 2/22/19). Seemingly, the enemy is soulless. 

Russians or should I say the “Russian soul” clearly remain some mysterious object to the American public and politicians of this country. What of Russians?  What is it about the Russian people that triggers this, let’s call it what it is, primitive and paranoid reaction whereas all rationality disappears leading parents and children alike to run to the metaphorical shelter, shouting  “people beware, the Russians are coming?”

Russophobia is usually defined by the Collins dictionary as follows, an intense hatred and often irrational hatred for Russia, or especially the former Soviet Union. While the first known use of the term “Russophobia” occurred in 1836, Russophobia, usually associated with the USSR, has been burning red hot well before the Russian revolution of 1917, in France with the Myth of Eastern Despotism, in Great Britain with the Threat of the Russian Empire, in Germany where cosmopolitan Russia represented the antithesis of the Prussian State and finally in the United States who carried on where the French, the English and the Germans left off (Creating Russophobia, Clarity Press, 2017). One cannot escape but notice that Russia was already a “threat” to the great western imperial and colonial powers well before it became socialist.

Poster publicizing the Du Bois-Stoddard debate.

Of course, the Nazi ideological handling of populations of Eastern Europe is sadly well known and is associated with the extermination of Poles and Russians (Nazi colonial project – Generalplan Ost) deemed racially inferior ethnic groups under the label of Untermensch (Subhuman or Under-man). But the notion of Untermensch so appreciated by the Nazis is not a German invention. The term, with its racial connotation, was born from the mind of the Harvard historian and Ku Klux Klan member Lothrop Stoddard and expressed in his book, The revolt of Civilization: The Menace of The Under-man published in 1922; the very man whom W. E. B. Dubois debated and ridiculed in a famous encounter in Chicago in 1929. 

To really understand the roots of Russophobia, we must delve into the white supremacist, racialist, fascist and anti-communist mythology constructed about Russians in the 20s, which we will hypothesize persists to this day. The ideological foundation of Russophobia is the very same as the one of anticommunism and anti-Blackness; although the white supremacist will ask, are Russians white people?

For the sake of clarity, we will use all the terms used by white supremacist and fascist authors in order to not whitewash or moderate the obvious and patent racism of their ideology.

In a text published in 1920, The Rising Tide of Color Against White World-Supremacy, for L. Stoddard, the racial impoverishment of Russia started with the eviction of Nordic populations from their homes. Stoddard claims that Nordic lands, including Russia, after the fall of Rome, were overtaken by Slavs and Wends in consequence to Mongoloid pressure. On top of the partial occupation of Russia by Slavs and the elimination of Nordic populations, a series of Mongoloid invasions transformed the racial landscape of Russian lands. Thus, the various populations of Russia and the Balkans underwent the influence of Asiatic, Tatar and Mongoloid settlements. For Stoddard, the whole land suffered the barbarism of the hordes of the East. In this text, Stoddard does answer the question whether Russians are white or not. If he precises that in more recent history, Russia became once again more Nordicized, i.e., white, through the rise of a Russian Nobility originating in the Baltic region, he also clearly asserted that in the rest of the country, through Bolshevism, the half-Asiatic peasantry of Russia became dominant. Thereby, Russians are semi-Asian, whatever that means.

The perennial Russian threat in the mind of too many reactionary white supremacists.

Later on, Stoddard, in the text mentioned earlier Revolt of Civilization, attributed the revolutionary unrest in Russia not so much to Bolshevik propaganda or to prior historical events [and legitimate causes] but principally to what this racial impoverishment implied. Accordingly, Russians were more primitive than Western Europeans, and reverted easily to their “animal instincts.” This author follows up analyses of the literary giant Tolstoy who finds himself accused of having an “instinctive aversion to civilization.” Stoddard writes, “The first wild impulse which Tolstoy felt when he saw a building, or any complex whole, created by the hand of man, was to simplify, to level, to crush, to destroy, so that the stone might be left upon the other and the place might again become wild and simple and purified from the work of man’s hand.” Russians accordingly wish to simplify complexity and to destroy culture. In light of this critique of the Russian writer, Stoddard concludes that the Russian people are “made up chiefly of primitive racial strains, some of which (especially the Tatars and other Asiatic nomad elements) are distinctly “wild” stocks which have always shown an instinctive hostility to civilization.” Communism is thrown into the lot and becomes reduced to an ‘Instinctive reaction against the attempt to civilize Russia begun by Peter the Great…” The whole Russian people resist the civilizing endeavor of Westernization. Russians thereby are prone to revolutionary reactions against civilization. The embrace of communism is only a symptom of their racial inferiority. These primitive hordes have “converted Russia into a vacant level plan” and threatened to do the same with Europe and the whole world. The establishment of socialism can be attributed to the strength of the forces of chaos and the rise in criminality, hooliganism, characteristic of the Russian races. Stoddard emphasizes:

forms but essentially the same, and ever broadening and deepening until it has become the veritable flood which has submerged Russia and which threatens to engulf our entire civilization. Its most noteworthy achievement has been the working out of a revolutionary philosophy and propaganda so insidiously persuasive as to wield together many innately diverse elements into a common league of discontent…”

Furthering his analysis of this offensive tide, Stoddard focused his attention on unionism, in which he saw, “…For the first time in human history a full-fledged philosophy of the Under-man – prologue of that vast revolt against civilization which, with Russian Bolshevism, has actually begun.” For L. Stoddard, these movements of discontent, “Syndicalists in France, Bolshevists in Russia, I.W.W.’s in America” united against civilization as a whole; …” One army, enlisted for a single war.” A war, which he called, “of the hand against the brain.” The underworld of Under-men, according to him, wants to destroy the world for “under-men despise thought itself… Their guide is, not reason, but the ‘proletarian truth’ of instinct and passion.” The whole Russian character, for this fascist writer, is fundamentally primitive, criminal, instinctual, violent, irrational and un-intellectual. Such accusations thrown at the Russian enemy of “white civilization” are clearly not unique and reveal the stereotypical aspect of these racist “analyses” of all so-called non-white or poor “uncivilized populations,” not least of which, the African populations in the Americas and colonies on the African continent.

The Russian revolution Stoddard asserts, “set revolutionists everywhere aquiver, firing their blood, inflaming their “will to power,” and nerving their hearts to victory.” But, Stoddard explains, Russia was more susceptible to revolutionary ardor because of its atavism, “its veneers of civilization laid thinly over instinctive wildness and refractory barbarism.” From claiming to Russian race inferiority, Stoddard continues a relentless assault on socialist endeavors and its leadership, constituted according to him, mostly of unstable individuals, “’tainted geniuses,’ paranoiacs, unbalanced fanatics, unscrupulous adventurers, clever criminals, etc.” The Russian under-man has therefore succeeded in eliminating the racially superior elements of society, namely Nordic aristocrats, Czarist intellectuals, and the bourgeoisie, sole redemptors of barbarian Slavs. 

In this latter text, Stoddard particularly emphasized the inferiority of Russians by proclaiming that their adherence to Bolshevism, socialism and equality reveals such inferiority, counter to the “natural” order of racial inequalities. The association between Russian racial inferiority and communism imposed by the white supremacist writer is not unlike that found between anti-blackness and anti-communism (Burden-Stelley, Left Voice, 2017) as mentioned above. And these racial considerations find their ways into national American politics. Particularly, the anxiety around the issue of the “Russian race’, which did have an impact on US policies of immigration as shown by a report of the US Senate’s Immigration Commission in 1910 (J. S. Roucek, 1969).

Slavs (Sclave), Slavic or Slavonic; sometimes wrongly called in the United States “Hun” (see Magyar). To be defined as that Aryan “race” or linguistic group which occupies the greater part of Russia and the Balkans. The Russians and the Polish (see) are its leading tongues. The Slavic, the Teutonic, and the Italian or Latin are the three great stocks that furnish the most of the population of Europe as well as our annual flood of immigrants. Of these three, the Slavic and the Italic have been greatly replacing the Teutonic in American immigration, and the Slavic is perhaps the most significant for the future because of its great population. 

Physically, and perhaps temperamentally, the Slavs approach the Asiatic or particularly the Tatar, more closely than do the peoples of Western Europe. In language, they are as truly Aryan as ourselves. There is some truth in the old saying, “Scratch a Russian and you find a Tatar,” especially if he comes from Southern Russia, where once lived the Mongol conquerors of the Russians… If the Slav is still backward in Western ideas, appliances, and form of government, it is not far distant when he will stand in the lead. The race is still young…”

J. S. Roucek notes that this report stood as one of the most important factors contributing to the Immigration Quota Act of 1924.

In the American psyche, the Russian was and remains a confusing character consequent to the uncertainty of his or her location in the racist, white supremacist landscape; European in language but Asian in “blood,” leaving the Russian character as mal-formed and threatening in the racist mind. 

Primitive, uncivilized, antisocial, destructive, criminal, mentally and intellectually challenged, the Russian like the Black man comes to represent the incarnation of all the anxieties, persecutory and paranoid projections of white supremacy onto others.  In any event, the Russian character is not trustworthy. The integration of such “racial barbarism” with socialist ideas carried by the lower classes altogether furthers the rationalization of all white supremacist, fascist, capitalist, conservative and reactionary beliefs, namely, the Russians are dangerous… no matter what.

A French fascist and white supremacist, François Coty introduced his 1931 text, Sauvons Nos Colonies (Let Us Save Our Colonies), with the exact same ideological prejudices but in the French colonial context. He stated in the book’s preamble,

It is the destiny of Asia to periodically rush to the conquest of Europe and to set about its destruction. This is like some mystical call that Barbarians can’t resist: they hear, generation after generation, the whispering voice of Genseric calling him to ransack Rome.


In the Vth century, the Huns overthrowing dozens of people and taking them in tow, already aspired to leave no stones standing in Occidental cities, and bragged that grass would never grow again in places they had been through. In the XIIth century, the rush started again with Genghis Khan’s Mongols who left an indelible Asian footprint on Russia. Not particularly curious about the yellow soul, westerners generally ignore that memories of the great invasions of past are still today the topics of conversation of Mongoloid races and those arouse in them the hope for invasions anew.


Bolshevism, twice Asiatic, through its original conception of Hebraic theories and through the recruiting of its most dangerous followers who mostly belong to mongoloid people of Russia, has come to crystalize all the hopes of the yellow race and to have it understand that the time had come. From the Urals to the depth of Siberia, A great chill of excitement overcame the destructive hordes of yesterday.


The first manifestations of these Asian warriors’ awakening against Europe, have naturally occurred in the colonies created by the white race on the Asian land itself. It is there that inevitably the first convulsions would appear, allowing the Yellow Man to take his revenge on the Westerner. The testimony of the Mongol Lenin, of pure Chuvash blood [Note, Chuvash are today known to be Turkic and not Mongol], claimed among other things, the necessity of throwing Europeans out of Asia.


 Not only would Asian forces increase in this final conflict but European nations would come out of this victorious insurrection in their Asian colonies demoralized, uncertain of their ethnic superiority and materially poorer with the loss of hundreds of billions invested in their possessions. The Assault on Europe would follow.


We propose to study in our next book how Lenin’s program is already activated in Asia with the undermining of European domination, with the progressive conquest by Yellows, led by Bolshevism, and with the undermining of the moral ascendency of whites. […] But the threat in Asia is not all. The world has changed since Attila and Genghis Khan and Asia benefits, at the expense of Europe, from the inventions and progresses, which Europe itself has achieved for centuries. […] The most modern discoveries like the radio are used by Bolshevist propaganda, as efficaciously as the ancient forces of darkness still holding in some corner of the globe, like negro witchcraft. Revolutionary syndicalism, popularized among Negroes, Yellows as well as Whites is the vehicle of the Revolution under any climate. In the face of this rising tide, menacing with all sorts of perils the future of our race, the only one to which the world owes its moral, intellectual and material progress…

From the white supremacist and fascist perspective, the “Russian” may appear white, may speak an Aryan language “like ours” but he or she is not white. Behind Russians lurks the invading Mongolian Hordes, the savage Asiatic warriors, primitive destroyers of civilization. But alongside the Russian and all his “mongoloid associates”, we might include the Chinese who because of such primitiveness, have embraced the savagery of socialism and communism. To echo the parallel between anti-blackness and anticommunism explained by C. Burden-Stelley (2017), these white supremacists and fascists writings reveal how the assumed inferior racial status, of itself, suffices to explain the “passions” for unionism and communism and reciprocally, how unionism and communism come to be embraced by people because they are of inferior racial standing. Racial inferiority and communism become one and the same.  

Those recalcitrant Russians: Carrying a Stalin banner in a 2018 St. Petersburg demonstration


Therefore, within the logic of this white supremacist and fascist ideology, Racism and Anticommunism become both indices of civilization, of racial and cultural superiority, and of social order, a system of beliefs embedded to this day in the Euro-American bourgeois social self-representation. For this Euro-American ideological structuring of social order, steeped in this white supremacist and fascist ideology; the challenge has been to attempt separating racism from anti-communism, which liberals still today persist in trying to achieve, i.e., to uphold anti-communism while lessening racism, clearly to no avail…

Even though these “scientific racial theories” have been debunked, scientifically as well as politically, we contend that this white supremacy and fascist ideology, expressed blatantly through the systemic racism prevalent in capitalist systems, still frames the imaginary blueprint of American culture when it comes to Russian culture with its Asian connotation. 

The fantasy of facing a Russian, Chinese or North Korean invasion, as portrayed by Hollywood vehicles like Red Dawn, stand as modern versions of the “Mongoloid hordes” of yesterday, imaginary scripts speaking more loudly and accurately of the invaded than the invaders. As we can observe, these fears and anxieties, framed through the template of Russophobic white supremacist ideology, remain as powerful today as they were then, so much that they can easily and readily be mobilized to fuel the popular sentiment against Russia, China or both since behind every Russian lurks some primitive Asian threat, and behind them all lurks some communist insurgency. 

From Russiagate to the Wuhan virus, the blueprint of hatred for all things Russian (and Chinese by extension) has already been processed and ready for use a hundred years ago, and to this day, the American population remains psychosocially primed to take on this soulless enemy, the destroyer of civilization whenever the white supremacist and fascist finger of the bourgeoisie points at that enemy… be it contemporary Russia or socialist China, or, as noted, both.


K. Philippe Gendrault, Ph.D., is a clinical psychologist and psychoanalyst committed to the anti-racist, anti-imperialist struggle for social and political justice. 


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Vargas Llosa and the Rotting Neo liberalism

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By Alvaro García Linera on June 27, 2021
OpEds


It takes a vanguard Latin American politician and intellectual like Alvaro Garcia, with the finesse characteristic of that civilization, to diagnose with precision the global chaos imprisoning humanity as imperialism implodes on account of its own incurable criminal contradictions.
—The Editor
—The Editor


Vargas Llosa: long a reactionary icon in Latin America and beyond. His prose has turned rancid and indigestible.

But there are examples of those that are corrupted by choice, that degenerate by decision. They are the creatures that wallow in the putrefaction of the soul, dragging behind them the pestilence of a lost destiny.

This is the pathetic future of the political Vargas Llosa of today; not of that literary genius who made his own merits to enter the shelf of universal letters with “The City and the Dogs” or “Conversation in the Cathedral”.  His current political prose is tawdry, full of ideological monstrosities that stain the neatness of the conservative ideals he once professed. It is as if there is a deliberate effort to debase the Nobel laureate he received and leave standing a decadent politician troubled by barbaric passions.

Currently Vargas Llosa is swallowing his once ennobling democratic convictions to support without decorum the heiress and cover-up of the Fujimori regime that closed the Congress of Peru, suspended the judiciary, ordered the military assault on the Peruvian media and promoted death squads with dozens of massacres to their credit. This speaks of a perverted drama in which a calm liberal mutates into a fiery neo-fascist.

Now the planet is plunged into an uncertainty of fate. The ruling elites diverge on how to get out of the economic and environmental quagmire they have caused, the poor no longer blame themselves for their poverty, the neoliberal utopia is fading and the priests of the free market no longer have parishioners at their feet to bamboozle with future redemptions in exchange for present complacencies.
And it is not a matter of weak temperament or ephemeral convictions that perhaps, in this case, have helped the elegance of his prose. In reality, Vargas Llosa is a literate example of an emotional displacement of the times.

He supports the crass maneuvers of the defeated Keiko Fujimori who denounces electoral “fraud” and annuls thousands of votes from indigenous communities and maintains a curious silence in the face of the manifesto of former military leaders for the Armed Forces to disavow Pedro Castillo’s victory.  Thus, he is ideologically related to Trump who instigated his followers to violently take over the US Congress in January 2021; or to the presidential candidate Carlos Mesa who, upon learning of his defeat in November 2019 against Evo Morales, called on his followers to set fire to the Bolivian electoral courts, including the votes of the citizens. These are attitudes not very different from that of Bolsonaro who criticized the Brazilian dictatorships (1964-1985) for only having tortured instead of killing leftists; or the indignity of Piñera crumpling his small Chilean flag, to show Trump that its colors and star would fit in a corner of the American flag.

These are symptoms of the decline of a political liberalism that, in its refusal to assume with aplomb the twilight of its lights, prefers to bare its miseries in retreat. It used to be able to boast of its [bourgeois] democratic affiliation, its cultural tolerance and commiseration for the poor, because, regardless of the victorious political party, the rich always triumphed in the world where the alternatives of “possible worlds” were designed to suit them.

Now the planet is plunged into an uncertainty of fate. The ruling elites diverge on how to get out of the economic and environmental quagmire they have caused, the poor no longer blame themselves for their poverty, the neoliberal utopia is fading and the priests of the free market no longer have parishioners at their feet to bamboozle with future redemptions in exchange for present complacencies.

It is the time of the decline of the globalist consensus. Neither those at the top have shared criteria on where to go; nor do those at the bottom trust in the old course that those at the top pointed out to them. Everyone is living in a state of collective stupor, in the absence of a feasible future that triggers, among the global humiliated, outbursts of anguish, discomfort, anger and revolt. Occupy Wall Street, the Indignados Movement in Spain, the “yellow vests” in France, the popular uprisings in Chile, Peru and Colombia; the waves of Latin American progressivism, are the symptoms of a convulsive era of unleashed anxieties that is just beginning. None of these nonconformists knows with certainty where to go, although they know with plebeian and street clarity what they can no longer bear. It is the time of a present that is fading and of a future that neither arrives nor announces its existence, and the old dominant beliefs are cracking, retreating to give way first to radical disbelief, and then to the search for some new certainty where hopes can take root.

It is a creative chaos that erodes the old moral tolerances between those “above” and those “below” and, with it, pushes the neoliberal consensus that brought society together to retreat. The street and the vote, no longer the media or governments, are now the spaces of grammar where the new popular mood will be written.  Democracy is revitalized from below, but paradoxically because of this, it has become a dangerous medium for the neoliberal ideologues who were democrats as long as the vote did not jeopardize the privatizing and free market consensus. But, now that the street and the vote contest the validity of this unique destiny, democracy is presented as a hindrance and even a danger to the validity of twilight neoliberalism.

The denunciations of fraud spreading throughout the Americas, and which will surely be present in Europe, are not only the war cry of the defeated. They are the desperate slogan of the now neoliberal minorities, to systematically attack democratic institutionality and the legitimacy of the vote as a means of electing rulers. The coup d’état tends to be installed as a feasible option in the conservative political repertoire.  And all this is done riding a furious language that crushes in its gallop any respect for tolerance and pluralism. They unabashedly brandish racial supremacism against indigenous people and migrants alike.  They scorn plebeian nonconformism, which they label as expressions of “savage hordes”, “ignorant”, “aliens” or “terrorists”. And in a laughable anachronism, they dust off the “anti-communist” phraseology to cover up with atavistic fears the violent disciplining of the poor, women and leftists. Neoliberalism is degenerating into a self-conscious neo-fascism.

We are facing the decomposition of political neoliberalism which, in its phase of decline and loss of hegemony, exacerbates all its violent charge and is ready to make a pact with the devil, with all the dark, racist and antidemocratic forces, to defend an already failed project. The universalist consensus of which neo-liberalism boasted in the 1990s has given way to the hatred of an outlaw ideology. And, as the latest Vargas Llosa demonstrates, the narration of this cultural rot is a literary bodrio devoid of the epic of worthy defeats.

Alvaro García Linera is the former Vice President of the Plurinational State of Bolivia

Source: Plurinacional, translation Resumen Latinoamericano


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After backing Maidan coup in Ukraine, is Biden ready for peace?

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Pushback with Aaron Maté


After backing Maidan coup in Ukraine, is Biden ready for peace?

The Grayzone
Jun 20, 2021

Hard to believe, but the Putin-Biden summit may have actually opened the road to an improvement in the global situation, at least a recognition by the US that its power is not unlimited, and that endless hostility toward sovereign nations like China or Russia may prove ultimately counterproductive and downright deleterious to American power. As well, if this summit opens a path to peace in the Donbas, everyone will be the winner. Russia's rapid and highly impressive military mobilisation during the last US-precipitated crisis in Ukraine may have opened the eyes to some Western planners, forcing them to accept the fact Russia is a major world power, capable of global strategic muscle.


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Jimmy Dore: While defaming Aaron Maté, TYT’s Cenk Uygur & Ana Kasparian’s reveal themselves as misinformation agents of the centralised empire

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The Jimmy Dore Show
THE YOUNG TURKS' DEFAMATION OF AARON MATE (ANNOTATED)




The Young Turks' persistent smears of journalists who have exposed the Syrian disinformation campaign for what it is, cynical lies to justify the West's regime change in Damascus, is discussed here by Jimmy Dore and one of TYT's targets, Grayzone's journalist Aaron Maté, currently in Syria on a fact-finding mission. The show is enlightening as usual, but a couple of things need mentioning.   (1) Jimmy's assumption that having mainstream corporate journalists on the ground in Syria would make them see the light, so to speak, and turn them into truthtellers, is terribly naive. Many of the careerist disinformers working for the West's media know what they are doing, and a trip to Syria itself would likely not change their positions at all. It's in fact quite possible to visualise such individuals returning to HQ to write even more "authoritative" exposés of "Assad's crimes". Let us recall that although the imperialist press degeneracy we see today is certainly scandalous and appalling in its cynicism and criminal performance, the US media and their counterparts in Western Europe have maintained (and some still do, such as the NYTimes as well as CNN, CBS, etc. ) "on the ground" correspondents for generations, and yet their barrage of outright lies, omissions of truth and distortions has never faltered. People who watch CBS, for example, are familiar with that network's dispatches on the Middle East by London correspondent Elizabeth Palmer, who typifies the breed, with her consistently mendacious coverage of critical issues always following the State Department line. The NYTimes itself is equally indecent and literally shameless in its promotion of the imperialist narrative when it comes to Russia, China, Iran, Venezuela and many other topics of equal import. About six months ago the "paper of record" of the US ruling class ran a want ad for its Moscow correspondent's slot, and the listed qualifications said everything you need to know about that rag's pretend journalistic mettle (see

(2) Aaron Maté is a terrific journalist, but he is still a young man evolving his own perception of the world, and the choices we need to make to give the better part of humanity—not the perfect part which doesn't exist—have a chance at victory. He seems to know already quite clearly who the main enemy of humanity is at this juncture—what Marxists call "the main contradiction"—but he seems to cling to a largely liberal/idealist view of the world. In this sense, his use of the term "police state" to describe the Assad government is too much an unnecessary concession to the US propaganda narrative, especially in the heels of a solid electoral victory for Bashir al-Assad. It is also ethnocentric. We cannot simply go around passing judgment on other nations's "democracy", "human rights" and so on using the standards we supposedly honor at home, emphasis on the supposedly. People and nations, like any two individuals, may have completely different ideas of what constitutes a great democracy, or human rights, for example. Many people, looking at history, will argue that the West's much vaunted set of eternal human rights are not inherent in being human but products of an specific culture and technological epoch. Maté is also curiously oblivious—risky for. a critic of US foreign policy—to the degree of cynicism utilised by the US establishment when it mobilises to demonise a particular leader or nation.  The first charge is that they lack democracy, said accusation usually followed by another, equally damning, that they are egregious violators of "human rights" (in the Western mode of course).  This automatically triggers the disinformation machine, and Washington's latter-day pretexts, cute excuses like "responsibility to protect" (R2P), exercises in simply galactic size hypocrisy. A summary reading of the anatomy of color revolutions and US interventions in the last 30 years, the storms of sanctions, political and military attacks that ensue, suffices to see how being a bit too innocent or careless with such accusations can be dangerous for the sovereign nations the morally fake West is seeking our support to remould.

—P. Greanville, Editor
—P. Greanville, Editor


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Caleb Maupin’s thoughts on the 2020 election

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Caleb Maupin


EDITED BY PATRICE GREANVILLE
Dispatch dateline | Streamed live 16 hours ago.


Many celebrate Trump's defeat without realising they have not defeated the forces that made him possible. In fact they just voted them back into power.

Caleb's chats are the ideal tool for those who wish to acquire a solid understanding of contemporary history in an easy, accessible manner.  "This was a victory for the American establishment. Make no mistake about it." The country and the world suffer terribly because we lack the politics of a communist party. The country is in a crisis, and the only way out of this is through the class line, through the optimistic building of a socialist society. Caleb again sketches the class division in the US ruling class, something people should understand. With Biden, the older, more powerful wing of the establishment has regained full control. It represents the much bigger fortunes, the ultra rich and the new mega corporations of Silicon Valley and digital marketing. The "Managerial Wing" of the ruling class. Count here the Rockefellers, DuPonts, Carnegies, Jeff Bezos, the Big Tech billionaires, etc. Trump had the newer shorter-thinking capitalist mob only interested in short-term profits: The Home Dept, Hobby Lobby, Casino magnates, Blackwater, Amway, and so forth. Let' call them the "entrepreneurial wing". This clash remains unresolved, but for the time being the ruling class appears unified. Many ruling class elements supporting Trump simply switched to Biden. This election pitted practically the whole establishment against Donald Trump and Trump almost won. Clarifying a point of confusion: Socialist central planning is NOT capitalist planning. Under capitalism each firm plans for short-term profits, without regard (or coordination with the rest of the economy) nor for the common good. It's inherently chaotic production. In socialism, the state stands ABOVE the corporations, directing all economic activity for the benefit of society.  Central planning is about guiding production not for profits but for the benefit of all. The well being of each citizens comes first. Practice real democracy: the people should rule, in their own interest. Not the big corporations and big money. An interesting point: Who brought down the Soviet Union? It wasn't the US rightwing, the military-industrial complex, or Ronald Reagan's incantations or the arms race, the arms profiteers (although they made a dent in the USSR's overall standard of living, development rate, etc. while maintaining a mentality of constant crisis). The USSR was brought down by soft power manipulations, by the machinations of liberals, the Eastern establishment, the Rockefellers, Soros, color revolutions, etc., in sum, the more effective evil. They went over there and compromised a huge section of the Soviet communist party. Then Gorbachev happened. 

An informal chat with Caleb Maupin as guide to the multitude of news, lies, distortions, rumors, idiocies, hypocrisies, and ideologies that shape our world.


Caleb Maupin has worked as a journalist and political analyst for the last five years. He has reported from across the United States, as well as from Iran, the Gulf of Aden and Venezuela. He has been a featured speaker at many Universities, and at international conferences held in Tehran, Quito, and Brasilia. His writings have been translated and published in many languages including Farsi, Chinese, Russian, Arabic, Spanish, and Portuguese. He is originally from Ohio.

 
 

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