The “Dirty War” Pope [and the filthy media, again]

Please make sure these dispatches reach as many readers as possible. Share with kin, friends and workmates and ask them to do likewise.


BILL VAN AUKEN, wsws.org. • First posted Mar 13, 2013.

"The Argentinean Catholic church support was by no means platonic. The junta’s detention and torture centers were assigned priests, whose job it was, not to minister to those suffering torture and death, but to help the torturers and killers overcome any pangs of conscience. Using such biblical parables as “separating the wheat from the chafe,” they assured those operating the so-called “death flights,” in which political prisoners were drugged, stripped naked, bundled onto airplanes and thrown into the sea, that they were doing “God’s work.” Others participated in the torture sessions and tried to use the rite of confession to extract information of use to the torturers."

Pope_Francis_blog

[dropcap]F[/dropcap]or over a week, the media has subjected the public to a tidal wave of euphoric banality on the Roman Catholic Church’s selection of a new pope.

This non-stop celebration of the dogma and ritual of an institution that for centuries has been identified with oppression and backwardness is stamped with a deeply undemocratic character. It is reflective of the rightward turn of the entire political establishment and its repudiation of the principles enshrined in the US Constitution, including the wall of separation between church and state.

What a far cry from the political ideals that animated those who drafted that document. It was Thomas Jefferson’s well-founded opinion that “In every country and in every age, the priest has been hostile to liberty. He is always in alliance with the despot, abetting his abuses in return for protection to his own.”

Jefferson’s view—and the reactionary character of the media’s sycophantic coverage—finds no more powerful confirmation than in the identity of the new pope, officially celebrated as a paragon of “humility” and “renewal.”

Placed on the papal throne is not only another hard-line opponent of Marxism, the Enlightenment and all manner of human progress, but a man who is deeply and directly implicated in one of the greatest crimes of the post-World War II era—Argentina’s “Dirty War.”

Amid the pomp and ceremony Friday, the Vatican spokesman was compelled to address the past of the new Pope Francis—the former Archbishop of Buenos Aires, Jorge Bergoglio. He dismissed the accusations against him as the work of “anti-clerical left-wing elements.”

That “left-wing elements” would denounce the complicity of the Church’s leaders in the “Dirty War” waged by the military junta that ruled Argentina between 1976 and 1983 is scarcely surprising. They accounted for many of the estimated 30,000 workers, students, intellectuals and others who were “disappeared” and murdered, and the tens of thousands more who were imprisoned and tortured.


"Bergoglio (the new Pope Francis) was ideologically predisposed to backing the mass political killings unleashed by the junta. In the early 1970s, he was associated with the right-wing Peronist Guardia de Hierro (Iron Guard), whose cadre—together with elements of the Peronist trade union bureaucracy—were employed in the death squads known as the Triple A (Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance), which carried out a campaign of extermination against left-wing opponents of the military before the junta even took power..."

But some of Bergoglio’s harshest critics come from within the Catholic Church itself, including priests and lay workers who say he handed them over to the torturers as part of a collaborative effort to “cleanse” the Church of “leftists.” One of them, a Jesuit priest, Orlando Yorio, was abducted along with another priest after ignoring a warning from Bergoglio, then head of the Jesuit order in Argentina, to stop their work in a Buenos Aires slum district.

During the first trial of leaders of the military junta in 1985, Yorio declared, “I am sure that he himself gave over the list with our names to the Navy.” The two were taken to the notorious Navy School of Mechanics (ESMA) torture center and held for over five months before being drugged and dumped in a town outside the city.

Bergoglio was ideologically predisposed to backing the mass political killings unleashed by the junta. In the early 1970s, he was associated with the right-wing Peronist Guardia de Hierro (Iron Guard), whose cadre—together with elements of the Peronist trade union bureaucracy—were employed in the death squads known as the Triple A (Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance), which carried out a campaign of extermination against left-wing opponents of the military before the junta even took power. Adm. Emilio Massera, the chief of the Navy and the leading ideologue of the junta, also employed these elements, particularly in the disposal of the personal property of the “disappeared.”

Yorio, who died in 2000, charged that Bergoglio “had communications with Admiral Massera, and had informed him that I was the chief of the guerrillas.”

The junta viewed the most minimal expression of opposition to the existing social order or sympathy for the oppressed as “terrorism.” The other priest who was abducted, Francisco Jalics, recounted in a book that Bergoglio had promised them he would tell the military that they were not terrorists. He wrote, “From subsequent statements by an official and 30 documents that I was able to access later, we were able to prove, without any room for doubt, that this man did not keep his promise, but that, on the contrary, he presented a false denunciation to the military.”

Bergoglio declined to appear at the first trial of the junta as well as at subsequent proceedings to which he was summoned. In 2010, when he finally did submit to questioning, lawyers for the victims found him to be “evasive” and “lying.”

Bergoglio claimed that he learned only after the end of the dictatorship of the junta’s practice of stealing the babies of disappeared mothers, who were abducted, held until giving birth and then executed, with their children given to military or police families. This lie was exposed by people who had gone to him for help in finding missing relatives.

The collaboration with the junta was not a mere personal failing of Bergoglio, but rather the policy of the Church hierarchy, which backed the military’s aims and methods. The Argentine journalist Horacio Verbitsky exposed Bergoglio’s attempted cover-up for this systemic complicity in a book that Bergoglio authored, which edited out compromising sentences from a memorandum recording a meeting between the Church leadership and the junta in November 1976, eight months after the military coup.

The excised statement included the pledge that the Church “in no way intends to take a critical position toward the action of the government,” as its “failure would lead, with great probability, to Marxism.” It declared the Catholic Church’s “understanding, adherence and acceptance” in relation to the so-called “Proceso” that unleashed a reign of terror against Argentine working people.

This support was by no means platonic. The junta’s detention and torture centers were assigned priests, whose job it was, not to minister to those suffering torture and death, but to help the torturers and killers overcome any pangs of conscience. Using such biblical parables as “separating the wheat from the chafe,” they assured those operating the so-called “death flights,” in which political prisoners were drugged, stripped naked, bundled onto airplanes and thrown into the sea, that they were doing “God’s work.” Others participated in the torture sessions and tried to use the rite of confession to extract information of use to the torturers.

This collaboration was supported from the Vatican on down. In 1981, on the eve of Argentina’s war with Britain over the Malvinas (Falkland) Islands, Pope John Paul II flew to Buenos Aires, appearing with the junta and kissing its then-chief, Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, while saying not a word about the tens of thousands who had been kidnapped, tortured and murdered.

As Jefferson noted, the Church is “always in alliance with the despot,” as it was in backing Franco’s fascists in Spain, its collaboration with the Nazis as they carried out the Holocaust in Europe, and its support of the US war in Vietnam.

Nonetheless, the naming of a figure like Bergoglio as Pope—and its celebration within the media and ruling circles—must serve as a stark warning. Not only are the horrific crimes carried out in Argentina 30 years ago embraced, those in power are contemplating the use of similar methods once again to defend capitalism from intensifying class struggle and the threat of social revolution.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Bill Van Auken is a leading political analyst with the wsws.org, information arm of the Social Equality Party.




The Ecological Civilization Debate in China

MONTHLY REVIEW • CLICK IMAGES TO ENLARGE

By  and MONHTLY REVIEW

china_pollutionNYT
In this photo from a 2007 NYTimes piece  (As China Roars, Pollution Reaches Deadly Extremes), the authors commented, “China’s industrial growth depends on coal, plentiful but polluting, from mines like this one in Shenmu, Shaanxi Province, behind a village store.” [Chang W. Lee/The New York Times (2007)]

Reposted • Originally 12.7.14

Nothing in modern history—except for Russia’s own march toward economic self-sufficiency— approaches the titanic struggle to develop and modernise China, nor its astonishing accomplishments and ecologically devastating costs. Still, the last chapter in this story is still being written.

I. The Environmental Situation in China

[dropcap]C[/dropcap]HINA is facing many serious environmental issues, including pollution in the air, groundwater, and soil. These problems have increased since China surpassed Japan as the world’s second-largest economy—and in spite of the Chinese government’s 2007 proposal to build an “ecological civilization,” and writing “ecological civilization” into the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) constitution in 2012.


chinasIndustrialPollution-smog

Entire regions are enveloped in smog, the price of runaway industrialism.

Take air pollution as an example; not long ago, cities such as Beijing, Tianjin, and Shanghai witnessed record-breaking smog. Concentrations of fine particulate matter (PM 2.5) reached more than forty times recommended safety levels. In China, up to half a million die each year because of air pollution, according to Chen Zhu, the former health minister of China. In a recent article published in The Lancet, the world’s leading general medical journal, he and his colleagues wrote, “Studies by the World Bank, WHO, and the Chinese Academy for Environmental Planning on the effect of air pollution on health concluded that between 350,000 and 500,000 people die prematurely each year as a result of outdoor air pollution in China.”1 Some Chinese critics are worried that the money earned from China’s rapid economic growth will mostly be absorbed by increased medical bills and productivity losses.2  


Fraternalsite

Monthly Review • Original Site

What caused these serious environmental problems? A prevailing explanation is that China “lacks the rule of law”—especially environmental law.3 This explains why a great many people believe that “Strengthened environmental legislation is the key to solve the environmental protection issue.”4 To them, “The most important and effective way to build an ecological civilization is to strengthen environmental legislation.”5

However, since September 13, 1979 (when the Environmental Protection Law was passed by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress), China has enacted many harsh laws against pollution—“some even stricter than in the United States.”6 Wang Canfa, one of China’s top environmental lawyers, says, “In the past 30 years, China’s modern environmental law has developed from nothing to an independent and important section of China’s law system.” Few areas of the law have grown more rapidly.7 During this period, China enacted nine laws on environmental protection (such as the Water Pollution Prevention Law, the Solid Waste Pollution Prevention and Control Law, and the Radioactive Pollution Prevention and Control Law) and seventeen laws on resource efficiency (including the Renewable Energy Law, the Cleaner Production Promotion Law, and the water law). To this can be added fifty relevant administrative laws and regulations on environmental protection. In addition, 660 local government regulations and 800 national standards related to environmental protection were enacted. According to an official in the Environmental Protection Ministry, Li Xuan, environmental law is unique in that there is a priority to enact environmental law every year, and in fact with “several environmental laws and regulationsissued within one year.”8 China’s environmental law has made huge progress, and is in many ways unprecedented in history. China should be indebted to the world, especially the environmentalists and environmental legal professionals in the West, for enabling this accomplishment, given that they helped “guide and open the progress of China’s environmental law.”9


Environmental-DegradationBut, ironically, the effect of those laws and regulations are very limited, even “useless” in the judgment of Wang Jin, a Peking University professor and expert in environmental law.10Although many may not agree with Wang’s judgment, the ineffectiveness of China’s green laws is a fact and can hardly be denied. Environmental legislation has been unable to prevent the environmental situation from deteriorating. In recent years, “the disputes caused by environmental pollution have increased 20% yearly but less than 1% of them chose litigation to resolve these disputes.”11 The question thus arises: Why have these environmental laws and regulations been so ineffective?

Some experts see the reason inside the legal system. For example, Wang Jin argues that China’s entire legal system is dysfunctional “because the nation’s basic legislative system is incomplete,” lacking consistency and operability.12 However, while this may be true, it fails to tell us why environmental laws specifically have so many problems.

Wang Jin treats environmental issues as mere legal issues—but they are also political, social, and philosophical issues. And other factors are important, including the role of capital, interest groups, the development model, and an anthropocentric worldview and values. In this respect, both ecological Marxism and constructive postmodernism (a critical ecological tradition associated with Alfred North Whitehead’s philosophy and propounded by such figures as John B. Cobb and David Ray Griffin) have the potential to contribute to creating an ecological civilization in general, and to improving China’s environmental protection in particular.

Besides the legal issue, there are three factors responsible for China’s severe ecological crisis: (1) seriously underestimating the power of interest groups and the harmful consequence of capital; (2) the worship of growth or development; (3) an anthropocentric worldview.

Resistance from Interest Groups

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he term “interest groups” is used here to refer to both multinational corporations and local governments in China. According to Zhang Xiaode, director of the Center for Ecological Civilization at the Chinese Academy of Governance, “the most difficult issue of implementing ecological civilization is to overcome vested interest.”13 A Greenpeace report states that eighteen major international and Chinese companies, including Shell and Sinopec, broke China’s “most basic” pollution law because they failed to publish pollution information “after they were found guilty of irregularities in discharging sewage.”14 As a matter of fact, most of these overseas companies claim to be environmentally responsible, and have good reputations (at least in a public relations sense) in regard to obeying environmental laws in their home countries. The Chinese people wonder: Why do they operate differently in China? Why have they turned China into a “pollution haven?”15 “Where is their environmental responsibility?”16It is obvious that the interests of their companies take precedence.


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Some local governments have joined hands with the companies in resisting environmental protection in the name of developing the economy. For instance, in May 2010 the government of Anhui province’s Guzhen county removed six local environmental protection officials—including the bureau chief—from their posts. They had checked up on one firm three times within a twenty-day period, a move the government claimed was damaging efforts to attract investment. An Anhui provincial law requires environmental authorities to obtain approval before making checks. Other places are following suit, with the result that the biggest polluters and energy consumers are now protected by local governments.17 Western scholars have recognized these situations; Phillip Stalley says it is “China’s reliance on external capital and foreign investment that has generated a weakening influence on China’s environmental regulation.”18

Some Chinese government officials such as Pan Yue, vice minister of Environmental Protection, are clearly aware of this problem. He feels that China’s environmental protection has been curtailed by the influence of special interests. Changing the mode of production and the way of life that are driven by capital is the key to building an ecological civilization. Of course, “It is also the most difficult task.”19

Worship of Economic Growth and Development

[dropcap]A[/dropcap]nother factor in the intense resistance to ecological civilization comes from the addiction to economic growth and development. In the words of Peking University professor Huan Qingzhi, “The crux of China’s environmental problem is the one-dimensional economic ideology of modernization development.” It has increasingly come to be the political and social servant of “Economic Growth logic” and even “capital logic.”20 Herman Daly called the worship of economic growth “growthmania,” where economic growth is regarded as “both the panacea and the summum bonum.”21 It is seen as being able to solve almost all important social problems, including poverty, unemployment, and crime. Although identified as a socialist country, China has been as obsessed with economic growth as capitalist countries after it opened its doors to participation in the global capitalist economy. Today, one of the most popular slogans is Deng Xiaoping’s “development is the absolute principle.” Economic growth is “conceived of the No. 1 task.”22 Not only the government, but many common people as well, embrace environmentally damaging economic growth. For example, environmentalists protested against building a big dam over Nu River, believing it would seriously harm the local ecological system. However, and to their surprise, most indigenous residents unexpectedly voted yes for this project because they were eager to see their region developed and hoped to reap some of the economic benefits.

As Vice President of Hubei Superior Court Lv Zhongmei points out, since economic growth has become the primary goal for both the state and the people, China seems “doomed to develop its economy at the expense of natural resource and the environment.”23 Accordingly, when economic development comes into conflict with environmental protection, the former almost always takes precedence. Li Xuan says, “Economic construction precedes environmental protection.”24

Anthropocentric Worldview and Values

Deeply influenced by Western modernity, China has predominantly accepted an anthropocentric worldview and values, which regard human beings as totally different from the world of natural things, and accordingly treats the world of nature as a world of objects. The value of natural things lies merely in being “used for our purpose.”25

This worldview and its resulting values have infiltrated the mainstream ideology of modern China, both in Mao’s period and Deng’s reform period. For example, during Mao’s regime, the lyrics of one of the most popular folk ballads included the lines:

In heaven there is no jade emperor [the supreme deity of Daoism],
On earth there is no dragon king [the rain god in Chinese mythology],I am the jade emperor,
I am the dragon king.
Let the mountains make way, I am coming.

Since Deng’s reform and opening-up period, an anthropocentric worldview and values have spread throughout China. For Pan Jiazheng, a scientist and former general engineer in the Ministry of Water Resources and Power, “Chinese people don’t allow rivers to flow freely. We will launch a grand Water Conservancy Construction unprecedented in world history in order to march toward reforming and controlling nature despite all setbacks.”26 In his eyes, “What the Yangtze river flows [delivers] is coal and oil.” He adds, “If we allow the water of the Three Gorges to flow freely for one hundred years, it is equal to the outflow of 50 million tons of coal and 2.5 billion tons of petroleum.”27 To Pan, the Yangtze River has only economic value—its use lies merely in producing electricity for human beings. The river’s irrigation of farmlands and woods, spiritual nourishment of people, and beautification of the earth for thousands of years is totally irrelevant to him.


China seems “doomed to develop its economy at the expense of natural resources and the environment.”


The influence of the anthropocentric worldview and values on modern China is so deep that even the purpose of the Environmental Protection Laws is defined as “safeguarding human health and facilitating the development of Socialist modernization.”28 It is clear then that intrinsic to the law is an anthropocentric worldview, which “can no longer fulfill the needs of environmental protection.”29 It cannot undertake the extremely important task of creating an ecological civilization.

It is not enough merely to rely on environmental law to create an ecological civilization in general, or protect the environment in particular. Besides the law, we need other allies, and ecological Marxism and constructive postmodernism should be two of them.

II. Ecological Marxism in China

Origins and Influence in China

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he term “ecological Marxism” was first coined by Ben Agger in his 1979 book, Western Marxism: An Introduction, Classical and Contemporary Sources. Although there is no unifying definition of ecological Marxism, most of those identified by this term share a critical stance toward industrial capitalism and believe that “the antagonistic relationship between capitalist accumulation and growth and the environment will expose the crisis tendencies within capitalism—i.e., environmental degradation means that the resources for capitalism will disappear and the system will collapse. Nature cannot be treated as a commodity.”30

Ecological Marxism has undergone four main theoretical stages or forms: William Leiss and Ben Agger’s theory of ecological crisis; James O’Connor’s Dual-Crisis Theory; Joel Kovel’s eco-socialism; and John Bellamy Foster and Paul Burkett’s ecological Marxism, which is regarded as “the newest theoretical form” of ecological Marxism in the West.31

Ecological Marxism was first introduced into China in 1986, but now it has “become an important part of contemporary Marxism in China,”32 and interest has grown increasingly in the past twenty years. Important writings by Marxian scholars in the West on ecological Marxism have been translated into Chinese, including Western Marxism: An Introduction by Ben Agger; Natural Causes: Essays in Ecological Marxism by James O’Connor; The Domination of Nature by William Leiss; and both Marx’s Ecology and Ecology Against Capitalism by John Bellamy Foster. In addition, nine books and more than 600 articles on ecological Marxism by Chinese authors have also been published.33

Ecological Marxism is regarded by some Chinese Marxists as not only “one of the most influential movements in contemporary Western Marxism,” but also “a very important force among various ecological theories.”34 Some Marxist scholars, like He Ping, vice director of the Institute of Western Marxist Philosophy at Wuhan University, even argue that ecological Marxism is “the most creative aspect of American Marxist Philosophy.”35



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For most Chinese Marxists who believe that the mission of philosophy is, as Karl Marx claimed, to change the world, ecological Marxism “provides a Marxist solution to Capitalist Ecological crisis.”36 The aim of studying ecological Marxism is to “guide China’s ecological civilization construction,” as they recognize that “it is not workable to create an ecological civilization without solid theoretical support.”37 Chinese interest in ecological Marxism is driven by the view that it is one of the major theoretical resources available.

Contradictions in the Debate on Ecological Marxism in China

[dropcap]A[/dropcap]lthough ecological Marxism has acquired a good deal of attention in China, it has also been subject to some criticisms. One of the most important is: If capitalism is the cause of the ecological crisis as ecological Marxism claims, why is it more severe in socialist China than in many foreign countries which are capitalist ones?38 Zheng Zhen, a Marxist scholar and professor at the Fujian Provincial Party School, expressed this view at a 2013 conference in Claremont, California, saying: “In the past, we thought environmental pollution and ecological crisis were maladies exclusively associated with capitalism. China as a socialist country would be unlikely to have such problems. However, in the past thirty years of reform and opening-up, China’s resource and ecological problems have grown in proportion to the economic growth, whose level of severity even is no less deplorable than in the primitive accumulation stage of capitalism.”39


“Basically, any kind of amoral  industrialism—whether under capitalism, socialism or any ism— is going to attack the environment with the ghastly consequences. A true socialist nation must transcend the simple adoption of industrial models from the West and refashion them with a view to making them ecologically respectful…” —The Editors


Thus far, few Chinese Marxists have answered this question convincingly. It is also clear that some Chinese ecological Marxists are using ecological Marxism only to criticize foreign capitalist countries and do not see it as a two-edged sword that also challenges China’s own current development.

III. History of Constructive Postmodernism in China and the West

[dropcap]D[/dropcap]ifferent from the deconstructive postmodernism associated with French philosophers such as Jacques Derrida, “constructive postmodernism” is based on Alfred North Whitehead’s process philosophy and refers to a pluralistic but integrative thinking, worldview, and practice. It is postmodern not in the sense of being anti-modern, but rather of trying to build upon the best aspects of modernity and tradition, thus creating new ways of thinking.40 It seeks to help guide China toward a path of development that does not simply imitate Western models but which helps China and others “move in the direction of an ecological civilization.”41 The foremost figures of constructive postmodernism in the West are Whitehead, Cobb, and Griffin.

Before the 1995 Chinese translation of the book Reenchantment of Science, edited by Griffin, almost no one in China had heard the term constructive postmodernism (coined by Griffin). But today it has already “made a significant and positive impact on China,”42 and its existence and influence is regarded as “an unavoidable fact.”43

The People Forum Poll Research Center recently conducted a survey regarding “The Most Valuable Theoretical Point of View in 2012.” The first selection was from Yijie Tang, a professor at Peking University and a well-known scholar of Chinese philosophy:

In the end of last century, constructive postmodernism based on process philosophy proposed integrating the achievements of the first enlightenment and postmodernism, and called for the Second Enlightenment. There are two broadly influential movements in China today: 1) “The zeal for traditional culture”; and 2) “Constructive Postmodernism.” If these two trends can be combined organically under the guidance of Marxism, not only taking root in China, but further evolvingChina can complete its “First Enlightenment,” realizing its modernization, and also very quickly enter into the “Second Enlightenment,” becoming the standard-bearer of a postmodern society.44


Deng Xiao ping: The legendary and at one time controversial capitalist roader may have sealed China's Faustian bargain with the worst possible devil.

Deng Xiao ping: The legendary and at one time controversial capitalist roader may have sealed China’s Faustian bargain with the worst possible devil.

Constructive postmodernism is regarded by some Chinese scholars as “not only the most dynamically and creatively advanced philosophy in today’s world, but also a whole new theory to guide newcomer countries striving for modernization to achieve their goal preferably.”46

Today, more than twenty research centers focusing on constructive postmodernism and process thought have been established in Chinese universities, including at Zhejiang University, Peking Normal University, and Harbin Institute of Technology. According to Fubin Yang’s study, so far “no other school of contemporary Western philosophy, such as analytical philosophy or phenomenology, has yet established so many special centers of study in China.”47

In order to advocate ecological civilization, The Institute for Postmodern Development of China (IPDC), working with the China Project of the Center for Process Studies and its partners (both non-Chinese and Chinese), has organized more than seventy international conferences in China and the United States. The Claremont Forum on Ecological Civilization is the most successful one; starting in 2006, it has organized seven forums so far, with hundreds of Chinese scholars and officials participating in the events. Many conference papers and reports on ecological civilization have been published in prominent Chinese media such as Philosophy ResearchesMarxism and RealityGuangming DailyChinese Academy of Social Sciences TodayCentral Higher Party School Newsletter, and the Journal of Chinese Academy of Governance.

Arranging lectures on ecological civilization in China is another important avenue to foster ecological awareness. So far, IPDC has arranged more than 360 lectures and interviews by non-Chinese thinkers to Chinese officials, scholars, students, and media. Well-received talks include John Cobb’s “China Is the Place Most Likely to Achieve Ecological Civilization,” David R. Griffin’s “The Ecological Crisis: Could China Save Civilization?,” Philip Clayton’s “Science and Religion as Servants of Ecological Civilization,” David Schwerin’s “Green Is Golden,” Cliff Cobb’s “The Practical Steps to Achieve Ecological Civilization,” Michael Perelman’s “An Ecological Future: Marx and Wu-Wei,” and Mary Evelyn Tucker’s “Confucianism and View of Nature.”

It is worth mentioning that the impact of constructive postmodernism on China is not only in the field of philosophy, but has also spread to “economics, jurisprudence, education, psychology, ecology, aesthetics, management, and other fields in the academy.”48 Some scholars have even used constructive postmodern thinking to study Chinese party history, as well as birth control policy, foreign policy, and agriculture.


But a different, encouraging reality is taking shape...
The present article, which is indeed a bit disturbing and depressing, was filed 12 years ago, but things move fast in the new China. In the last decade Beijing has taken the lead in many global initiatives to heal the environment, starting with China's own, and the worldview toward nature may be shifting.
Please examine the following reports:

• China’s Determined March Towards the Ecological Civilization ECO-CIV ( A. Vltchek, The Greanville Post, May 6, 2018)
• Ecological civilization: A discourse in the making (Chuanjian Bao, CHINA DAILY, Aug 31, 2018)
Revitalizing Traditional Chinese Concepts in the Modern Ecological Civilization Debate (Arler Fin. Open Journal of Philosophy) 
How to Build a ‘Beautiful China’ in the Anthropocene. The Political Discourse and the Intellectual Debate on Ecological Civilization (Maurizio Marinelli, Journal of Chinese Pol Science, Feb 2, 2018)

More importantly, constructive postmodernism has also begun to be applied to “the social-political field of China in order to solve the various pressing issues facing China.”49 Some government officials have found ways to put constructive postmodernism into practice. For example, Hongzhong Li, governor of Hubei Province, recently called for “Building Yichang with Postmodern Ideas” (Yichang is a city of 4 million people). By postmodern ideas, Li means not only “plurality, uniqueness and harmonious” but also “asymmetric, natural, and ecological”—that is, he hopes to build Yichang into a livable and green ecological city.50 Another local official, Jia Li, mayor of Zhuhai City in Guangzhou Province, emphasized learning from the postmodern values of symbiosis, plurality, and inclusiveness, and he called for “planning Zhuhai’s development from such a perspective of postmodernism and postindustrial civilization.”51

These events have had a positive impact on the emergence of consciousness of ecological civilization in China. Pan Yue, head of the Environment Department of China, says “Socialist ecological civilization is a critical absorption of environmentalism, eco-ethics, and postmodernism.”52 Generally speaking, the Chinese turn to ecological civilization is also affected by constructive postmodernism. Weifu Wu says, “Chinese top leaders consciously and unconsciously have shown their interest in, concern for, and acceptance of constructive postmodern philosophy and its way of thinking.”53 For Wu, the idea of ecological civilization they proposed signaled “a smell of the postmodern.” “China is increasingly marching toward postmodernization.”54

Chinese cement factory: According to the New York Times (8.26.07) China uses 45 % more power than the world average, and its steel makers about 20% more. Of course, NYTimes information has to be taken with a huge lump of salt.

Of course, like ecological Marxism, constructive postmodernism also has encountered criticism in China. Most of the criticisms come from the so-called orthodox (or traditionalist) Marxist camp, and are based on the classic Marxist emphasis on production forces and treating history as a unilinear process; i.e., the notion that China needs to realize industrialization or modernization fully first, then deal with the ecological issue to create ecological civilization or pursue postmodernization later.55 Constructive postmodernists in China are derided by some orthodox Marxists as “parroting other’s words.”

A closely related charge from some traditionalist Marxists is that when constructive postmodernism criticized China’s modernization or development, it “failed to mention the positive role capital plays in China.” They emphasize that, “In any case, the positive role capital plays in today’s China reality cannot be denied. Capital is the representation of production relation. It is the historical condition of Chinese society’s current development stage and level which determines the rationality of the existence of capital in the condition of Socialist market.”56

IV. Creating Ecological Civilization: Cooperation of Ecological Marxism and Constructive Postmodernism

Given the severe reality that China’s ecological and social system “is clearly threatened, both from within and without, by the cancerous spread of capitalist methods and mores,”57 and given the arduousness and complexity of coping with ecological crises and building an ecological civilization, it is necessary for ecological Marxists and constructive postmodern thinkers to work together to “find ways out of our ecological crisis.”58

As “two big movements that emerged and developed in the late 20th century,” which “represent overlapping and, to a considerable extent, complementary theoretical interventions, ecological Marxism and constructive postmodernism have important roles to play in improving China’s environmental laws in particular, in creating an ecological civilization in general.”59 Ecological Marxism in general, and Foster’s thought in particular, can help China reflect on the ecological crisis from the institutional level while constructive postmodernism can help reflect on the ecological crisis from a mentality or mindset level. Both are needed to make the turn toward an ecological civilization in general, going beyond the predicament of legislation in particular, i.e., the fact that legislation can only make advances insofar as change in the larger societal sphere is possible.

What Contributions Can Ecological Marxism Make?Recognizing the Anti-Ecological Essence of Capital

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]o ecological Marxists such as Foster and his colleagues, capitalism is inherently anti-ecological, since “capitalist economies are geared first and foremost to the growth of profits, and hence to economic growth at virtually any cost—including the exploitation and misery of the vast majority of the world’s population. This rush to grow generally means rapid absorption of energy and materials and the dumping of more and more wastes into the environment—hence widening environmental degradation.”60 Therefore, as Griffin points out, “Ecological Marxism has clearly demonstrated that it is impossible for capitalism pursuing unlimited growth to be in line with an ecological worldview.”61

Since China has no clear idea about the negative consequence of capital, “capital logic has almost become the guide for China’s system construction.” “In order to create ecological civilization, we must limit capital logic.” Using ecological Marxism as a resource, China can fight against a variety of interest groups who resist environmental protection, rather than unconditionally welcoming “foreign investment.”62


How can a nation with such tradition of wisdom be so blind to the obvious? But there’s hope: ““The essence of socialism,” Chinese Academy of Social Sciences president Wang Weiguang stresses, “is its ability to transcend capitalism.”64Since China is a socialist country, it has the potential to transcend capitalist logic, because in a socialist society “the party and government is the representative of all peoples’ interests instead of some special interest group.”


Combined with its practice in capitalist countries, ecological Marxism can help show the destructive or even disastrous consequence of capital, rather than merely focusing on its positive side. In this respect, the Soochow International Conference on the Critique of Capital in the Era of Globalization, held from January 10–13, 2009 in Soochow, China, can be regarded a good start. This was also a good example of cooperation between ecological Marxism and constructive postmodernism, as representatives from both movements participated in this conference. Foster and Perelman, two leading figures in ecological Marxism, delivered keynote speeches, as did John Cobb and Cliff Cobb, two leading thinkers in constructive postmodernism. Some leading Chinese Marxist scholars participated, and top Chinese journals such as Philosophical Researches, Studies on Marxism, and Social Sciences Abroad reported on this conference.

Marx was best known as a critic of capital and free markets, and so a Marxist critique of capital is a valuable resource for China. According to Pan Yue, we must use Marxist theoretical weapons to “fight against any forms of production and lifestyle that deviate from ecological civilization.”63 Compared to capitalism, socialism is more likely to provide system motivation and system security for ecological civilization. “The essence of socialism,” Chinese Academy of Social Sciences president Wang Weiguang stresses, “is its ability to transcend capitalism.”64Since China is a socialist country, it has the potential to transcend capitalist logic, because in a socialist society “the party and government is the representative of all peoples’ interests instead of some special interest group.”65 Socialism has the ability to go beyond short-term and sectional interests and instead take into account overall and long-term interests. “Ecological civilization that tallies with the fundamental interest of humankind accords with socialist basic principles.”66

Emphasizing Social Justice Can Help China Pursue Ecological Justice

Marxism is famous for standing up for justice, and defending ecological justice is a crucial goal of ecological Marxism. In the words of Huibin Li, a leading Marxist scholar at the Central Bureau of Compilation and Translation, “We need to protect the legally-established ecological rights of individuals, families, communities, and nations, and defend ecological equality and ecological justice.”67 He thinks this is not only an intrinsic component of ecological Marxism, but also captures the ideal aim that traditional Marxists have struggled for.

In China today, the typical manifestation of environmental injustice is “bosses get rich, the masses suffer, and the government pays the bill.”68 Ecological Marxists should apply the principle of justice to China’s reality. Ecological justice should include clean drinking water, fresh air, and healthy food.69 (That for starters. Later—and hopefully soon, the interests of living nature—the animals—should also enter the equation.—Eds.)

Establishing an ecological compensation mechanism is a key step to upholding ecological justice, and it should be an important component of ecological civilization. The Third Session of the 18th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, held November 9–12, 2013, decided to “put the paid use system of resources and ecological compensation mechanism into practice.”70

Recently, Chinese president Xi Jinping stressed that “To protect ecological environment is to protect [the] productive force. To improve ecological environment is to develop productive force. A good ecological environment is the most just public product, one that most fully promotes the well being of all the people.”71 Here it is not hard for us to sense the influence of ecological Marxism.

Challenging the CCP to Take its Ecological Responsibility More Consciously

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he CCP, with more than 80 million members and control over all state-owned banks and large state-owned enterprises, holds a decisive position in China’s environmental protection. The Party regards “serving the people wholeheartedly” as its mission. (This is based on the Communist Manifesto, which emphasizes that “All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interests of minorities, the proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense majority.”72) Taking ecological responsibility “in the interests of the immense majority” should be a crucial part of its mission at the current time.

Ecological Marxism, as a new development in Marxism, can help remind the CCP of its ecological responsibility; and because environmental issues involve the vital interests of the people, it can remind the Party of its social responsibility as well. Given the severity of the ecological crisis facing humankind, saving our planet and creating an ecological civilization can be construed as the greatest and most pressing mission of the CCP.

New signs show that the CCP is increasingly shouldering its ecological obligation. At the 17th Congress of the Communist Party of China, it was officially proposed to build an “ecological civilization.” The goal is to form “an energy and resource efficient, environmentally friendly structure of industries, pattern of growth, and mode of consumption.”73 This idea reflects an important change in the Party’s understanding of development. Rather than emphasizing economic construction as the core of development, as it did in the past, Party authorities have come to realize that sustainable development must be based on an understanding of an intertwined relationship between humanity and nature. At the 18th Congress, held from November 8–14, 2012, “ecological civilization construction” was written into the Party’s constitution for the first time. President Hu Jintao said, “We must give high priority to making an ecological civilization, work hard to build a beautiful country, and achieve lasting and sustainable development of the Chinese nation.”74 Hu gave ecological civilization a prominent position by incorporating it into the country’s overall development plan together with economic, political, cultural, and social progress. In his report, Hu called for efforts to keep more farmland for farmers, and leave to future generations a beautiful homeland with green fields, clean water, and blue skies.

For Xi Jinping, the new leader of China, building an ecological civilization is a cause “benefiting both contemporaries and future generations.”75 In short, the idea of ecological civilization is spoken of as a responsibility of the Chinese government to future generations and to the natural world.

China is taking the lead on green energy in the world. According to the New York Times, it has already become “the world’s largest maker of wind turbines” and “the world’s largest manufacturer of solar panels.”76 On December 31, 2007, the Chinese government promulgated a ban on free plastic bags, and thus far China has reduced its use of plastic bags by 24 billion, saving 4.8 million tons of petroleum.77 Recently the Beijing city government has decided to dedicate 760 billion yuan ($125 billion) to cope with heavy smog.78 On February 18, 2014, an official report showed that China intends to supplement GDP measurements with quality indicators, and two-thirds of Chinese provinces have already lowered their growth targets this year. During the September 2014 UN climate talks in New York, China joined seventy-two other nations in supporting putting a price on carbon emissions—a move opposed by the United States.79 All of this suggests that many of China’s leaders are ready to take more serious action than before, and that the government is taking its responsibility to “protect ecological environment with system” as well as law.80

What Can Constructive Postmodernism Contribute?

Creating an ecological civilization is an enormous strategic and tactical project without precedent in human history. It will require legal input, which, while extremely important, is not enough; the failure of environmental law in China has proved this point. Ecological civilization requires not only a fundamental transformation of modes of production, and the development model, but also a fundamental transformation of worldview, values, and lifestyle. Constructive postmodernism has the potential to contribute to this transformation.

Rethinking Modernization and Development

[dropcap]M[/dropcap]odernization has been a dream of China’s for a century. After the Great Cultural Revolution, the Chinese government joined most developing countries in treating modernization as its goal. China’s achievements on this path, such as its fast GDP growth, have amazed the world. However, the price has been extremely high, including environmental problems, an increasing gap between the rich and the poor, and growing disenchantment with growth within the populace as a whole. Is there any alternative to the current form of modernization? “Constructive postmodern thinking proposes such an alternative.”81 Kang Ouyang, a leading Marxist scholar in China and vice president of Huazhong University of Science and Technology, has explored the positive and negative sides of modernization. For him the negative includes: treating economic growth as the ultimate goal; neglecting ecology, the value of tradition, and aesthetic wisdom as complements to scientific knowledge; rejection of the positive role that religion can play in human life; and overemphasis on individuality at the expense of community. Constructive postmodernism has been successful in bringing up these issues to prevent us from repeating “the same mistakes the West made.”82

Today more and more Chinese people are rethinking the path their country is taking. “We need to rethink Westernized modernization and Chinese modernization from a constructive postmodern perspective,”83 according to Zhang Xiaode, director of the Center for Ecological Civilization at the Chinese Academy of Governance.

Unfortunately today the mainstream in China still tends to rely on the modernistic, technologically determinist, developmentalist way of thinking to address the problems facing China. But according to Griffin, “There will be no way out of our current predicament if we simply seek solutions within the [narrow] framework of [Western-model] modernity, because it is part of the problem. Therefore we badly need constructive postmodernist thinking in order to transcend modernity.”84 Some Marxist scholars acknowledge the extent that “Chinese socialist ecological practice still belongs to the system of modernity.”85 However, “if we want to truly seek a Chinese model which will benefit the sustainable development of both China and the whole humanity, we must go beyond the bondage of modernity and realize a postmodern ecological turn.”86 Indeed, some Marxist scholars stress the need to learn from constructive postmodernism in order for China to “avoid repeating the mistakes the developed countries made regarding ‘development at the expense of environment.’”87

For constructive postmodern thinkers like Cobb, the current mainstream development model is problematic and unsustainable because “it has uprooted millions of peoples, separated hundreds of millions from their traditional communities, increased crime, addiction, and family breakdown, slaughtered many of the poor in low intensity conflicts, decimated the world’s forest cover, depleted its fisheries, eroded much of its topsoil, and speeded up loss of biodiversity. It is changing the world’s climate in ways that are likely to cause critical problems for our grandchildren.”88 Ecological Marxists such as Fred Magdoff and Foster reveal the connection between economic growth and environmental disruption in capitalist practice: “Given the growth juggernaut that characterizes capitalism, the system is most destructive toward the environment when it is working well and economic growth rates are high. It is least environmentally destructive when the system is in economic crisis and growth is faltering. When economy is in recession and production and transportation are decreased, the air tends to be less polluted; less CO2 is produced from fossil fuels; fewer minerals are extracted, and so on.”89

Under the relentless critique of the worship of economic growth from both constructive postmodernism and ecological Marxism, the rosy color of GDP growth has started to fade. Not long ago, Chinese President and CCP General Secretary Xi Jinping stressed that “We should never judge a cadre simply by the growth of Gross Domestic Product (GDP).”90 What he said sent a strong message: that the CCP leadership is determined to shake off the GDP obsession among officials, directly affecting promotion decisions. This important change will greatly help turn the tide in favor of ecological civilization.

In addition, by pointing out the isomorphism between capitalism and socialism—in that both of them have been deeply influenced by the viewpoint of modernization, including unilinear notions of progress, as an overarching ideology—constructive postmodernism can help Chinese ecological Marxists avoid the fallacy of “turning ecological Marxism into a weapon” that only points at “foreign capitalist countries.”91 If foreign capitalist countries are seen as the main impediment to ecological civilization, as Huang Zongliang, a distinguished senior professor at Peking University, accurately points out, what should we do now? Shall we just sit here “to wait for capitalism to die?”92 Does not the critique of the logic of capital point to problems integral to China’s own development, since it has embraced the growth of capital as a means to socialist development? This would seem to be the implication of ecological Marxism, and is stated outright by constructive postmodernism.

Providing a Philosophical Foundation for Ecological Civilization and Environment Law

As discussed before, one of the limitations of Chinese environmental law in general is that it reflects an anthropocentric worldview and values. As a result these laws conflict with environmental justice and ecological sustainability, and this eventually affects their implementation. In Zhang Ruiping’s words, “Environmental laws were caught in a deep contraction due to their failure to conform to environmental justice.”93

Constructive postmodernism plays an important role in extricating China’s environmental legislation from this contradiction, overcoming the anthropocentric worldview and values. As Griffin argues, “Constructive Postmodernism is ecological in the real sense since it ‘provides support for the ecology.’”94 According to philosophy professor Yijie Tang at Peking University, “Process philosophy [constructive postmodernism] criticizes binary thinking and views nature and humans as an interrelated bio-community. This idea has important implications for the solution of the ecological crisis facing us today.”95 This explains why Chinese environmentalists often gravitate toward “constructive postmodernism represented by David Griffin,” according to Fanren Zeng, former president of Shandong University and a founder of eco-aesthetics in China.96 For Xiujie Wang, chair of the Liaoning Literature Association and well-known in China as an ecological scholar, “constructive postmodernism is the philosophical foundation of ecological literature.” To Xiaohua Wang, “the fate of human beings and the whole eco-system will be determined by whether the postmodern turn succeeds.”97

Some legal experts such as Hou Jiaru, a professor at China University in politics and law, have also realized the importance of constructive postmodernism to reform environmental laws in China. They argue that environmental laws should be built on constructive postmodern theory and emphasize that “postmodernism has an essential guiding effect not only on environmental laws, but also on the whole legal theory.”98

Helping the Chinese People Revalue Their Own Traditional Ecological Wisdom

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]o create an ecological civilization in general and to implement environmental laws in particular requires support from tradition. However, the indigenous Chinese tradition has been treated as something “smelling dreadfully musty”—and even as “trash”—since the May Fourth movement in 1919, which is sometimes called “China’s First Enlightenment.” “Down with Confucianism” was the most well-known slogan of the time. Under the influence of such a nihilistic attitude, the Chinese abandoned the spiritual resources of their tradition such as respect for heaven, awe of the Dao, oneness of nature and humanity, the tradition of thrift, and the wisdom of “cherishing all living things.”

From the point of view of constructive postmodernist thinkers who are “appreciative of tradition,” these Chinese traditions and traditional wisdoms are very valuable treasures which can provide strong moral support for ecological civilization and environmental law as well.99

Besides ecological wisdom, China also has a long history of environmental protection practices. It is one of few countries in the world which can be said to “have a long history in drafting environmental laws and regulations.”100 According to Han Feizi, a classical philosophy book written at the end of the Warring States Period (475–221 BCE), anyone who dumped trash on public roads received a “cutoff”—the loss of a finger as a punishment, a common penalty that existed under the law of Shang Dynasty (1600–1046 BCE). That means China had enacted environmental protection laws related to punishing reckless dumping of trash and solid waste as early as 3,000 years ago. This ecological wisdom and practice can constitute powerful support for ecological civilization in general and environmental protection laws in particular.

Today, more and more people are realizing the important part tradition and religion can play in creating an ecological civilization. In the words of Pan Yue, “From the Taoist view of Tao respecting nature, to the Confucian idea of humans and nature becoming one, to the Buddhist belief that all living things are equal, Chinese religion has helped our culture to survive for thousands of years. Chinese religion can be a powerful weapon in preventing an environmental crisis and building a peaceful harmonious society.”101 Inspired by constructive postmodernism, Wei Dedong, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, has described the convergence between constructive postmodernism and Buddhism. In his opinion, “Buddhism is postmodern in the real sense. It is very possible and realistic for the Chinese to cherish, study, and highlight the excellent elements in the Buddhist ecological outlook in order to avoid the detour of modernization.”102

The Deep Convergence between Ecological Marxism and Constructive Postmodernism

Although ecological Marxism and constructive postmodernism each have their own particular emphasis on promoting ecological civilization and environmental laws, they also overlap in dealing with environmental issues.

Both Conceive of Ecological Crisis as the Most Urgent Crisis of Our Time

For ecological Marxists like Foster, the ecological crisis is an “epochal crisis,” which is greater than the economic crisis confronting humanity, because it threatens the long-term survival of both humans and other life forms.103 Therefore, Foster calls for an “ecological revolution.” To constructive postmodern thinkers like Griffin, the ecological crisis is so serious “that human civilization itself could be brought to an end in the foreseeable future.”104 These statements undoubtedly can help wake people up and make them realize how serious the ecological crisis is.

Both Refuse to View Environmental Issues in Isolation

Given the special situation of China as the biggest developing country with close to 20 percent of the world population (but only 9 percent of the arable land and 6 percent of the fresh water), both ecological Marxism and constructive postmodernism emphasize putting people first, and especially giving significant consideration to the issue of peoples’ livelihood when making environmental decisions.105 Its special national conditions make it impossible for China mechanically to imitate Western environmental laws. China needs to develop its own environmental laws with Chinese characteristics after fully absorbing the best of Western environmental laws.

Both Encourage Peoples’ Public Participation in the Environmental Movement

This is extremely important to China because there is a long history of expecting the government to assume the responsibility of coping with environmental issues. Fortunately, this has started to change; an ever-increasing number of people have started to stand up for their ecological rights. For instance, in late October 2012 more than a thousand residents of Ningbo, in Zhejiang province, took to the streets protesting the local government’s plans to expand a petrochemical plant. This demonstration successfully forced the Ningbo government to shelve the $8.9 billion planned project. This was not an isolated incident; according to BBC, “Protesters in other Chinese cities have been successful over the past year in halting industrial projects because of environmental concerns.”106

At the same time, individuals manage to find their own ways to go green. Sheri Liao, Wen Tiejun, and Gao Song are some of those worth mentioning.107 For example, Gao Song, a Wuhan citizen and expontent of alternative energy, built a family solar power station on May 22, 2013, which produced 2,700 kilowatts of electricity by November 22, 2013. Their family used 1,000 kilowatts and sold 1,700 kilowatt to the state and earned 812.6 RMB, equal to savings of 623 RMB.108

There is a Chinese proverb that says “The fire burns high when everybody adds wood to it.” In English, a similar saying is “Many hands make light work.” With the joint effort of ecological Marxists, constructive postmodernists, and radical environmentalists generally—as well as everyone who cares for our planet—it is possible to create a new civilization: an ecological civilization which will benefit China and the world as a whole.


ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Zhihe Wang is the Director of the Center for Constructive Postmodern Studies, professor of philosophy at Harbin Institute of Technology, and director of the Institute for Postmodern Development of China. Huili He (hehuili2008 [at] 163.com) is associate professor of sociology of College of Humanities and Development, China Agricultural University, former assistant mayor of Kaifeng, Henan Province, China. Meijun Fan is professor of Humanities and Social Sciences College at Harbin Institute of Technology in China, as well as the program director of Institute for Postmodern Development of China.


Notes

  1. Zhu Chen, et. al., “China Tackles the Health Effects of Air Pollution,” Lancet 382, no. 9909 (December 14–20, 2013): 1959–60.
  2. Xinjing Daily, “No GDP with Poison Call from Representatives of the Two Conferences,” Xinjing Daily, March 4, 2013 (in Chinese).
  3. Li Jing, “Ex-Minister Blames China’s Pollution Mess on Lack of Rule of Law,” South China Morning Post, January 21, 2013 (in Chinese).
  4. Liu Huigui and Yan Jianming, “On the Improvement of Environmental Legislation of China,” http://court.gmw.cn. (in Chinese).
  5. Zheng Shaowei, “Ecological Civilization and the Improvement of Environmental Legislation,” Journal of Environmental Management College of China 18, no. 2 (2008): 28–31 (in Chinese).
  6. Mat McDermott, “Why China’s Environmental Laws Have Been Useless in Stopping Pollution,” September 24, 2010, http://treehugger.com.
  7. Wang Canfa, “The Current Situation and Future Anticipation of China’s Modern Environmental Legislation,” March 11, 2011, http://gesep.com (in Chinese).
  8. Li Xuan, “China’s Environmental Legislation Has Entered Benefit Game Period,” Green Leaf 10 (2009): 122–25 (in Chinese).
  9. Dai Jie, “The Influence of the World on China’s Environmental Laws and the Correction Way,” Journal of Xihua Normal University 1 (2013) (in Chinese).
  10. Wang Jin, “China’s Green Laws Are Useless,” China Dialogue, September 23, 2010, https://chinadialogue.net.
  11. Yan Geng, Yang Chaoxia, Yang Fan, “The Legal Construction of Ecological Civilization,” China Environment News, January 4, 2013 (in Chinese).
  12. Wang Jin, “China’s Green Laws Are Useless” (in Chinese).
  13. Zhang Xiaode, “The Greatest Difficulty for Ecological Civilization Lies in Overcoming the Vested Interest Groups,” November 27, 2013, Xinhua Webhttp://news.xinhuanet.com (in Chinese).
  14. L. Jing, “Big-name Companies Conceal Pollution Info, China Daily, October 15, 2009 (in Chinese).
  15. Maoliang Bu, Zhibiao Liu, Marcus Wagner, and Xiaohua Yu, “Corporate Social Responsibility and the Pollution Haven Hypothesis: Evidence from Multinationals’ Investment Decision in China,” Asia-Pacific Journal of Accounting Economics 20, no. 1 (2013): 85–99.
  16. Wu Yan, “Where is the Environmental Responsibility of the Transnational Enterprises?,” People’s Daily, August 24, 2007 (in Chinese).
  17. Wang Jin, “China’s Green Laws Are Useless.”
  18. Phillip Stalley, Foreign Firms, Investment, and Environmental Regulation in the People’s Republic of China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010), 191.
  19. Guo Jing, “Ecological Civilization Construction Needs to Go Beyond Capital Logic,” Chinese Social Sciences Today, June 24, 2013 (in Chinese).
  20. Huan Qingzhi, “Terminating the Growth Without Boundary,” Green Leaf 10 (2009): 114–21 (in Chinese).
  21. Herman E. Daly, “The Steady-State Economy: Postmodern Alternative to Growthmania,” in David Ray Griffin, ed., Spirituality and Society (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), 107–22.
  22. Xing Ming, “The Necessity of Chinese Road,” Seeking Truth 20 (2013) (in Chinese).
  23. Lv Zhongmei, “On Revolutionary Environmental Laws,” Economic Law Researches 2 (2000) (in Chinese).
  24. Li Xuan, “China’s Environmental Legislation Has Entered Benefit Game Period,” Green Leaf 10 (2009): 122–25 (in Chinese).
  25. David Ray Griffin, “Peace and the Postmodern Paradigm,” in Griffin, ed., Spirituality and Society, 143–54 .
  26. Pan Jiazheng, On the Success and Failure of Dam (Beijing: Tsinghua University Press, 2000), 200 (in Chinese).
  27. Ibid, 172.
  28. Environmental Protection Law of the People’s Republic of China,” http://envir.gov.cn (in Chinese).
  29. Chen Jinlian, “The Deconstruction of Environmental Laws and Exploration,” Science and Technology Information 5 (2006): 100–101 (in Chinese).
  30. Pearson Education, “Ecological Marxism,” http://wps.pearsoned.co.uk.
  31. Cai Ping and Hua Zhanglin, “Is Ecological Marxism Western Marxism?,” Academic Forum 7 (2007): 66–69 (in Chinese).
  32. Zhihe Wang, “Ecological Marxism in China,” Monthly Review 63, no. 9 (February 2012): 36–44.
  33. Ibid. In 2013 alone, the following works were published in China: Zhao Zhuangdao,“The Value of Collectivism from Ecological Marxist Angel,” Journal of Zhengzhou University of Light Industry (Social Science Edition) 1 (2013); Ye Dengyao, “Ecological Socialism in the Context of Ecological Marxism,” Journal of Zhengzhou University of Light Industry (Social Science Edition) 1 (2013); Tao Ying, “Ecological Marxism and Human Existence,” Journal of Yunnan Socialism College 1 (2013); Zeng Dehua, “Ecological Marxism and The Reconstruction of China’s Ecological Civilization Theory,” Journal of Hunan Normal University 1 (2013); Chen Mengsi, “Frankfurt School and Ecological Marxism,” Journal of Heilongjiang Vocational Institute of Ecological Engineering 2 (2013); Kang Lanping, “On David Pepper’s Ecological Marxism,” Shijiazhuang city Vocational College Teaching and Researches 2 (2013); Fang Honghong, “The Inspiration of Foster’s Ecological Marxism to China,” Journal of Beijing University of Chemical Technology (Social Sciences Edition) 2 (2013); Zhang Feng, “Foster’s Theory of Ecological Crisis and its Inspiration,” Journal of Hubei University of Economics 3 (2013); Fang Honghong, “An Exploration of James O’Connor’s Ecological Marxism,” Journal of Inner Mongolia TV University 4 (2013); Nie Wenjun, “William Leiss’s Ethical Thought of Ecological Marxism,” Ethics Studies 4 (2013); Han Yuli and Wen Xiaochun, “Ecological Marxist Foundation of Ecological Civilization,” Journal of Southwest University 4 (2013); Lv Chuang, “Foster’s Reconstruction of Marx’s Naïve Ecological View and its Inspiration,” Journal of Shanxi Communist Party School 5 (2013); Kang Ruihua, Xu Qi, and Li Jiawei, “Ecological Environment is the Common Wealth of All Human Beings Foster’s Critique of Capitalist View of Wealth and Progress and its Inspiration,” Contemporary World and Socialism 5 (2013); Jia Xuejun “New Angle of Foster’s Critique of Monopoly Capitalism,” Theoretical Horizon 6 (2013); Zhou Zhishan, “Philosophical World Outlook of Ecological Marxism,” Observation and Reflection 6 (2013); Yu Weixiang, “Ecological Marxism and Ecological Civilization Construction Studies,” Academic Forum 7 (2013); Li Jifeng, “The Ecological Crisis Theory of Ecological Marxism and its Inspiration,” Social Scientists 8 (2013); Wang Shenzhen, “The Inspiration of Foster’s Ecological Marxism to Ecological Moral Construction in China,” Academic Communication 8 (2013); Li Yongqiang, “Ecological Marxist Critique of Capital and Its Practical Limitation,” Guangxi Social Sciences 11 (2013); Li Chunru, The New Development of Ecological Marxism Studies,” People’s Daily, June 20, 2013.
  34. Zou Youfeng and Hu Gang, “A Brief Review on the Studies on the View of Ecological Crisis of Ecological Marxism,” Economic Research Guide 5 (2009): 1–2; Ma Chi, “ Ecological Marxism and its Inspirations to China’s Ecological Aesthetics,” Heilongjiang Social Sciences 124, no. 1 (2011): 98–104 (in Chinese).
  35. He Ping, “Resurgence of Natural Materialism–American Ecological Marxism,” Journal of Xiamen University 2 (2004): 13–20 (in Chinese).
  36. Liu Rensheng, “The Development of Ecological Marxism; A Summary,” Contemporary World and Socialism 3 (2006): 58–62 (in Chinese).
  37. Zhou Zhangling, “China’s Ecological Marxism Studies in New Century,” Marxist Philosophy Studies 1 (2013) (in Chinese).
  38. Huang Zongliang, “Seeking Ways to Save the Crisis of Human Existence: Foreword to A Study of Foster’s Ecological Marxist Thought,” in Kang Ruihua, et. al., Critique, Construction, and Inspiration: A Study of Foster’s Ecological Marxist Thought (Beijing: Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Publishing House, 2011), 7 (in Chinese).
  39. Zheng Zhen, “The Value Implication of Beautiful China and its Achieving Method,” paper at the 7th International Forum on Ecological Civilization, April 26–27, Claremont, California, 2013 (in Chinese).
  40. Jay McDaniel, “Mei’s Invitation: A Gentle Asceticism for Chinese and Americans,” Crosscurrents 57, no.4, (2008): 526–44.
  41. John B. Cobb, Jr., “Necessities for an Ecological Civilization,” Conference Paper for 4th International Forum on Ecological Civilization, Claremont, California, May 3–4, 2010.
  42. Pei Yong, “Why China? The Significance of China to the Postmodern Movement,” Process Studies 35, no. 2 (2006): 344–53.
  43. Xiangping Shen, “Process Philosophy and Scientific Outlook of Development,” Journal of Theory 12 (2008): 70–73 (in Chinese).
  44. Yijie Tang, “The Enlightenment and its Difficult Journey in China,” Wen Hui Bao, November 14, 2011 (in Chinese).
  45. Weifu Wu, “Constructive Postmodernism in Contemporary China,” Journal of Tangdu 3 (2013): 46–50 (in Chinese).
  46. Zhang Xiaode, “The World’s Hope of Ecological Civilization Lies in China,” Journal of Chinese Academy of Governance 5 (2013) (in Chinese).
  47. Fubin Yang, “The Influence of Whitehead’s Thought on the Chinese Academy,” Process Studies 39, no. 2 (Fall/Winter 2010): 342–49.
  48. Ibid.
  49. Ibid, 347.
  50. Rongzi Liu, “Building Yichang with Postmodern Ideas,” Sanxia yichang web, August 1, 2013, http://cn3x.com.cn (in Chinese).
  51. Mengyang Wang, “A Postmodern Reflection on Zhuhai’s Development,” Journal of Zhuhai Party School 5 (2012): 42–45 (in Chinese).
  52. Pan Yue, “On Socialist Ecological Civilization,” China Economy Times, September 26, 2006 (in Chinese).
  53. Weifu Wu, “Constructive Postmodernism in Contemporary China,” Journal of Tangdu 3 (2013): 46–50 (in Chinese).
  54. Ibid.
  55. Cui Weiqi, “How Possible to Move beyond Modernity?,” Study and Exploration no. 1 (2008): 31–34 (in Chinese).
  56. Cheng Guangli, “The Poverty of Second Enlightenment,” Studies on Marxism 12 (2012): 128–36 (in Chinese).
  57. John Bellamy Foster, “Toward a Global Dialogue on Ecology and Marxism,” Monthly Review64, no. 9 (February 2013): 54–61.
  58. Zhihe Wang, Meijun Fan, Hui Dong, Dezhong Sun, and Lichun Li, “What Does Ecological Marxism Mean For China?—Questions and Challenges for John Bellamy Foster,” Monthly Review64, no. 9 (February 2013): 47–53.
  59. He Yue, “Walk into Anthropocentrism or Walk out of Anthropocentrism: Compared Naturvorstellung of Ecological Marxism with Constructive Postmodernism.” Studies in Dialectics of Nature 6 (2011): 116–21 (in Chinese); Foster, “Toward a Global Dialogue on Ecology and Marxism.”
  60. John Bellamy Foster, Brett Clark, and Richard York, The Ecological Rift: Capitalism’s War on the Earth (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2010), 74; John Bellamy Foster, “Ecology Against Capitalism,” Monthly Review 53, no. 5 (October 2001): 1–15.
  61. David Griffin, Zonghao Bao, and Pinyue Lu, “Step out of Business as Usual—An Interview with David Griffin,” Chinese Social Sciences Today, September 21, 2012 (in Chinese).
  62. Lu Feng, “The Logic of Capital,” Green Leaf 6 (2008); Wen Tiejun, Lau Kinchi, Cheng Cunwang, He Huili, and Qiu Jiansheng, “Ecological Civilization, Indigenous Culture, and Rural Reconstruction in China,” Monthly Review 63, no. 9 (February 2012): 29–35.
  63. Pan Yue, “Guiding Ecological Civilization Construction with Marxist Ecological View,” China Environment Daily, December 27, 2012 (in Chinese).
  64. Wang Weiguang, “Toward an Ecological Civilization New Era in the Process of Transcending Capital Logic,” Chinese Social Sciences Today, August 19, 2013 (in Chinese).
  65. Ibid.
  66. Guo Jing, “Ecological Civilization Construction Needs to Go Beyond Capital Logic,” Chinese Social Sciences Today, June 24, 2013 (in Chinese).
  67. Huibin Li, “Ecological Rights and Ecological Justice,” in Huibin Li, Xiaoyuan Xue, and Zhihe Wang, eds., Ecological Civilization and Marxism (Beijing: Central Compilation and Translation Press, 2008), 66 (in Chinese).
  68. Zhou Hongchun and Shi Lei, “Justice Should Be Throughout the Whole Process of Ecological Civilization Construction,” China Economy Times, March 10, 2013 (in Chinese).
  69. Ibid.
  70. Communiqué of the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of the CPC,” November 12, 2013, http://news.xinhuanet.com (in Chinese).
  71. Xi Jinping, “Protecting Ecological Environment is Protecting Production Force,” April 11, 2013, http://news.sina.com.cn (in Chinese).
  72. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto (New York: International Publishers, 2014), 9.
  73. Hu Jintao, “Report at 17th Party Congress,” October 24, 2007, http://china.org.cn (in Chinese).
  74. Hu Jintao, “Report at 18th 17th Party Congress,” November 11, 2012, http://v.china.com.cn(in Chinese).
  75. Xi Jinping, “Talks on Ecological Civilization,” August 29, 2014, http://cpc.people.com.cn (in Chinese).
  76. Keith Bradsher, “China Leading Global Race to Make Clean Energy,” New York Times, January 30, 2010, http://nytimes.com.
  77. Ren Zhongping, “The Chinese Awakening of Ecological Civilization: GDP Competition Is Making Turn,” People’s Daily, July 22, 2013 (in Chinese).
  78. Beijing Will Invest 760 Billion Yuan Against Smog,” Beijing Youth Daily, January 19, 2014 (in Chinese).
  79. World Bank, “73 Countries and More than 1,000 Companies and Investors Support a Price on Carbon,” September 22, 2014, http://worldbank.org.
  80. Li Laifang, Zhao Renwei, and Guo Xinfeng Xi, “China Bids Farewell to GDP Worship,” Xinhuanet, February 18, 2014, http://news.xinhuanet.com; “Communique of the Third Plenum of the 18th Central Committee of the CPC,” http://news.xinhuanet.com, November 12, 2013 (in Chinese); World Bank, “73 Countries and Over 1,000 Businesses Speak Out in Support of a Price on Carbon.”
  81. Zhihe Wang, “The Second Handshake: Constructive Postmodernism in China Today,” Tattva: Journal of Philosophy no.1 (2009): 58–74.
  82. Kang Ouyang,“The Weicheng (Fortress Besieged) of Modernization and Its Transcendence—On the Values Orientation of Constructive Postmodernism and its Inspiration,” Seeking Truth 30, no.1 (2003): 39–43. (in Chinese).
  83. Zhang Xiaode, “The World’s Hope of Ecological Civilization Lies in China,” Journal of Chinese Academy of Governance 5 (2013) (in Chinese).
  84. David Griffin, Zonghao Bao, and Pinyue Lu, “Step out of Business as Usual—An Interview with David Griffin,” Chinese Social Sciences Today, September 21, 2012.
  85. Han Yuli and Wen Xiaochun, “The Ecological Marxist Foundation of Ecological Civilization Theory,” Journal of Southwest University (Social Sciences Edition) 4 (2013): 5–11 (in Chinese).
  86. Wei Rumei, “Foreign Marxist Ecological Outlook and its Relevance to China’s Ecological Civilization Construction,” Truth Seeking 5 (2013): 68–71 (in Chinese).
  87. Huang Yue, “Postmodern View of Nature and its Inspiration to Ecological Civilization Construction,” People’s Tribune 32 (2010): 180–81 (in Chinese).
  88. John B. Cobb, Jr,. Earthist Challenge to Economist (London: MacMillan Press, 1999), 42.
  89. Fred Magdoff and John Bellamy Foster, What Every Environmentalist Needs To Know About Capitalism: A Citizen’s Guide to Capitalism And The Environment (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2011), 61.
  90. Xi Jinping, “Don’t Judge an Official Simply by the Growth of Gross Domestic Product (GDP)”, October 7, 2013, http://news.xinhuanet.com (in Chinese).
  91. Zhihe Wang, “Ecological Marxism in China,” Monthly Review 63, no. 9 (February 2012): 36–44.
  92. Huang Zongliang, “Seeking Ways to Save Humankind from Existence Crisis,” in Kang Ruihua, et. al., Critique, Construction, and Inspiration: A Study of Foster’s Ecological Marxist Thought (Beijing: Chinese Academy of Social Sciences Publishing House, 2011), 5 (in Chinese).
  93. Zhang Ruiping, “Environmental Ethics from the Perspective of Ecological civilization.” Conference Paper for National Environmental and Resource Laws Annual Conference, August 3–5, 2009, Kunming, China (in Chinese).
  94. David Griffin, “Introduction to SUNY SERIES in Constructive Postmodern Thought,” in David Griffin, ed., Reenchantment of Science (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1988), xi.
  95. Yijie Tang, “Reflective Western Scholars View Traditional Chinese Culture,” People’s Daily, February 4, 2005 (in Chinese).
  96. Fanren Zeng, “Ecological Aesthetics: A Brand New Ecological Aesthetics in the postmodern context,” Journal of Shanxi Normal University, no. 3 (2002) (in Chinese).
  97. Xiaohua Wang, “China’s Environment Movement and Constructive Postmodernism,” Process Perspectives 25, no.3 (Fall 2002): 7–8.
  98. Hou Jiaru, “Reflecting on The Revolution of Environmental Laws,” Journal of China University of Geosciences (Social Sciences Edition) 6 (2009): 32–36 (in Chinese).
  99. Jay McDaniel, “Mei’s Invitation: A Gentle Asceticism for Chinese and Americans,” Crosscurrents 57, no.4 (2008): 526–44.
  100. Bie Tao, “Environment Law System in China,” China Daily, September 26, 2005.
  101. Pan Yue, “Marxist Notion of Religion Must Catch up with Time,” Huaxia Times, December 15, 2001 (in Chinese).
  102. Dedong Wei, “Buddhist Ecological Outlook,” China Social Sciences, no. 5, 1999 (in Chinese).
  103. John Bellamy Foster, “The Epochal Crisis,” Monthly Review 65, no. 5 (October 2013): 1–12.
  104. David Ray Griffin, “Ecological Civilization: The Only Path to Save Our Civilization,” Journal of Shenzhen University 6 (2013): 27–35.
  105. Wen Tiejun, et. al., “Ecological Civilization, Indigenous Culture, and Rural Reconstruction in China.”
  106. Simon Rabinovitch, “Pollution Protests Force Chinese U-turn,” BBC Newshttp://ft.com.
  107. On Sheri Liao (Liao Xiaoyi), see “Heroes of the Environment, 2009: Sheri Liao,” Time, September 2009, http://content.time.com. On Wen Tiejun, see Wen Tiejun, et. al., “Ecological Civilization, Indigenous Culture, and Rural Reconstruction in China.”
  108. Min Cheng, “Wuhan Citizen Received the First Electrical Section Produced From His Roof-Solar Station,” http://news.xinhuanet.com, December 13, 2013 (in Chinese).



Michael Parenti: Reflections on the Overthrow of Communism (Revisited)

HELP ENLIGHTEN YOUR FELLOWS. BE SURE TO PASS THIS ON. SURVIVAL DEPENDS ON IT.


The myths and lies still fogging up the history of "actually existing communism", and its overthrow in countries such as the Soviet Union, force a re-examination of the facts underlying this enormously important phase for humanity.

 

THE OVERTHROW OF SOVIET COMMUNISM WAS NOT
A VICTORY FOR HUMANITY


parenti-Freespeechtv-KeynoteMichaelParentiOnEmpire723

Michael Parenti



Watch Parenti demolish many of the longstanding slanders and outright myths about the Soviet Union, from its putative ruthless tyranny to the Gulags...

YouTube (owned by Google) has been fiercely sabotaging videos of an anti-corporate nature. This is part of social media's attack on dissent and free speech, which we also see on Facebook, Twiter, etc. If you came to this page to watch/listen to this material and find a notice telling you the video is not available, please send us a mail at once at greanville@gmail.com. Thanks.




Creative Commons License
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License

ALL CAPTIONS AND PULL QUOTES BY THE EDITORS NOT THE AUTHORS

black-horizontalThings to ponder

While our media prostitutes, many Hollywood celebs, and politicians and opinion shapers make so much noise about the still to be demonstrated damage done by the Russkies to our nonexistent democracy, this is what the sanctimonious US government has done overseas just since the close of World War 2. And this is what we know about. Many other misdeeds are yet to be revealed or documented.

Parting shot—a word from the editors
The Best Definition of Donald Trump We Have Found

In his zeal to prove to his antagonists in the War Party that he is as bloodthirsty as their champion, Hillary Clinton, and more manly than Barack Obama, Trump seems to have gone “play-crazy” — acting like an unpredictable maniac in order to terrorize the Russians into forcing some kind of dramatic concessions from their Syrian allies, or risk Armageddon.However, the “play-crazy” gambit can only work when the leader is, in real life, a disciplined and intelligent actor, who knows precisely what actual boundaries must not be crossed. That ain’t Donald Trump — a pitifully shallow and ill-disciplined man, emotionally handicapped by obscene privilege and cognitively crippled by white American chauvinism. By pushing Trump into a corner and demanding that he display his most bellicose self, or be ceaselessly mocked as a “puppet” and minion of Russia, a lesser power, the War Party and its media and clandestine services have created a perfect storm of mayhem that may consume us all. Glen Ford, Editor in Chief, Black Agenda Report




Reform vs. Awakening (revisited)

 ERIC SCHECHTER TACKLES REFORMISM


The author trying to awaken his fellows.

The author trying to awaken his fellows.

First iteration Jan 29, 2015 • Revisited on 09.17.18
Reformists and radicals both want to make the world a better place.
But we have entirely different visions of what needs to be fixed, and how, and the difference is not just quantitative.

Reformists believe that our traditional notions of ethical behavior, success, and the so-called “American dream” — the fundamental principles of our society — are all sound. The problems all around us merely mean that our society has strayed from those principles. That’s why reformists believe the corruption can be cleaned up gradually through mere reforms, without any fundamental change in goals and vision. They believe the world is as it appears to be, and all the cards are already on the table, and so they believe Get-Out-The-Vote (GOTV) is the beginning and end of any efforts to make the world a better place. We just need to elect better leaders.


eric-K-monsters_cropped(NOTE: A PREVIOUS VERSION OF THIS ARTICLE RAN ON 29 Dec. 2014, in annotated version.)

Conspiracy theorists are slightly more imaginative. Their “American dream” is similar to that of the reformists, but they have begun to realize that not all the cards are on the table. As they see it, the visible rulers of the world — the presidents, prime ministers, parliaments, and so on — are merely puppets of some secret cabal — the Rothschilds, the Federal Reserve, the Deep State, the Illuminati. Conspiracy theorists believe this cabal is the source of all our problems. Moreover, they believe the cabal is unified — which would be comforting, if it were true, because at least that would mean there was someone in control, and some method in the madness. If we could just expose and lock up the evil rulers, then we’d quickly replace them with good rulers, and the world would right itself.



Radicals like myself believe the delusion is much larger, and of a different nature, and that’s what this essay is about. We radicals are not so concerned about difficulties in attaining “the American dream,” because that’s the wrong dream anyway. As we see it, most people have never really thought very deeply about our society’s fundamental principles. It turns out that those principles have consequences entirely different from what people have been told, and the problem is that our society has not strayed enough from those principles.


eric-K-world-birthThe problem is too deep, too fundamental, to be addressed gradually; mere reforms will not suffice. Going through a pregnancy takes nine months, but either you’re pregnant or you’re not — it means many changes to the system, and there is no halfway about it. The old world is dying; we need to give birth to a new and very different world.

Our politicians and other public speakers may be part of the problem, but only part of it. They may be lying quite consciously about surface matters, but they too are fooled by the deeper lies, the fundamental myths underlying our society, and so their perpetuation of that worldview is inadvertent. The source of our problems is our entire political and economic system, our entire culture, our entire way of living and of seeing the world, which has been developing for a long time.

Though our worldviews vary a bit from person to person, the problematic culture is in all of us, not just in our rulers. Indeed, if we were to lock up the plutocrats without changing the culture, then that culture would quickly generate a new batch of plutocrats. In fact, locking up “the people in control” doesn’t even make sense, because – as I will presently explain – there really isn’t anyone in control.


red-pill

On the other hand, if we change our culture, and bring society to see what is really going on, then together we will change everything — we will unseat the rulers, but we will also change our entire way of life.

Everything you know is wrong; things are not as they seem. The truth is hidden all around us, in plain sight. To see it, we only have to adjust our vision.

Most people are asleep. The film The Matrix is a great metaphor for our era, but only a metaphor. In the film, when the hacker Thomas Anderson takes the red pill, he awakens to an entirely different physical reality. But when we awaken from our own society’s great delusion, physical things around us are not changed. What changes are our history, our expectations, and the meanings of things all around us.


eric-K-fourmyths
And where Anderson’s revelation is a single abrupt transition, our own revelation is a gradual education on many issues. And some people who have learned about part of one issue believe they now know it all, but they’ve barely begun the journey down the rabbit hole. I’ll now describe four major revelations, concerning government, economics, the ecosystem, and human nature.

1st revelation: GOVERNMENT (starts at 5:45 in the video)

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]hey’ve been lying. About everything. And they’ve been doing it for a long time. It’s easier to spot the older crimes; for instance, by now everyone knows the USA was founded on slavery and genocide, formerly known as “spreading civilization.”

The government lies about little things. For instance, they’ve lied about the effects of marijuana. But that little lie has put thousands of people in prison. In fact, we in the so-called “land of the free” have a higher percentage of our own people in prison than any other nation in the world.


Angels Dodgers Baseball[dropcap]T[/dropcap]he government also lies about bigger things, like wars. They’ve lied about why they nuked Japan, why they overthrew Iran and other democracies, why they bombed Vietnam and Iraq back to the stone age, why they imprisoned Palestine and gradually erased it, and so on.

Our world is currently divided into nations. National borders are lines drawn on maps by politicians, so that they can tell their people that other people are different. But really, the people on the other side of the border are just our cousins. If anyone is different, it’s the politicians.

Reforms might achieve some short-lived and small relief, but that relief becomes shorter-lived and smaller as the ruling class becomes better organized. Move To Amend ‘s new amendment to repair the 14th amendment will get twisted out of shape as easily as the 14th did, and the US government has been ignoring laws altogether in its pursuit of what it calls “national security.” Laws are only as good (and wise) as the society backing them up.

One of the fundamental principles of our current society is hierarchical organization of power. But sociologists have demonstrated that the powerful become corrupted and abusive, regardless of how they get power over others — as politician, tycoon, workplace manager, police officer, prison guard, or occupying soldier. Indeed, it’s growing harder to distinguish those professions.

What can we do about power? We’ve often been told to try to get better rulers, but that doesn’t seem to work. The solution is to learn to live with no rulers at all. That is the real meaning of the word “anarchy,” if you consider its roots: “an” + “archy” means “no” + “rulers.” The authoritarian establishment will tell you the word means disorder and destruction, but really it doesn’t. Most of us who call ourselves “anarchists” want a very orderly society; we just want it without hierarchy. We want voluntary, horizontalist, peer-to-peer networking. That will require enormous cultural change, but not a change in human nature; sociologists have found that people cooperate when they have the opportunity to do so.


eric-k-monopoly

2nd revelation: ECONOMICS (starts at 9:10 in the video)

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]here is plenty of corruption in our economic system, but that’s not its chief problem. This becomes evident if you consider the board game Monopoly, which uses our economic system’s most fundamental ideas in simplified form. In that game, “corruption” would mean someone is cheating. But that game always ends with all the players but one totally impoverished, even if no one cheats.

We see a similar scenario playing out in the real world. The distribution of wealth in our society has become extremely unequal. That’s because the market favors whoever is in a better bargaining position, and thus it increases economic inequality. So a market economy inevitably brings plutocracy: Just a few people end up owning and controlling everything, including our workplaces, the government, and even the market itself, so any truly “free” market wouldn’t stay that way for long. Market fundamentalists blame our problems on government, but they’re deluded: If there were no government, the super-rich would create one, to “protect property rights.”


eric-K-golden-bullOur leaders worship the bronze bull of Wall Street, much as the Israelites turned to a golden calf while Moses was on Mount Sinai. There are so many myths about that false god! Here are four quick myths:

a. “The market has brought us progress” — no, it was science that brought us progress. And its basic innovations came from government salaries, not from profits.

b. “The market is raising everyone’s standard of living, and automation will bring us all leisure time” — no, not all of us, just the people who own the workplaces and the robots.

c. “A society of honorable small businesses is true democracy” — no, actually every privately owned workplace is a tyranny, and any honorable small businesses get crushed and/or swallowed by psychopathic large businesses.

d. “People will only work for competition and money — no, actually they prefer a more meaningful arrangement.

So, putting aside all the bull, what is the market? It’s an attempt to harness greed. Reformists believe they can outwit the devil and his team of lawyers and accountants. Rather than learn to share, they believe they can make selfishness safe. I can only ask, “even if you could do that — which in fact you can’t — why would you want to?”

eric-K-monopoly-with-trash

And they will respond — they always do — by asking whether I am setting an example by giving away all my possessions. No, I’m not. A penniless and homeless man in the streets, spending all his time looking for his next meal, will be heard less than an activist living frugally on a small retirement pension. Hear me now: If we start the sharing with my tiny holdings, it won’t affect the world much. Let’s begin the sharing instead with Boeing, Raytheon and the other war companies — let’s nationalize them, and take the profit out of war. I promise you that we will quickly have fewer wars.

The conspiracy theorists are partly right. The presidents and prime ministers and so on are merely puppets. They’re dependent on campaign donations and publicity, which are controlled by the wealthy — but the wealthy are not unified, nor are they the ultimate masters. No one is truly in control. Ultimately, the strings are pulled by the economic system itself, and that machine does not concern itself with the well being of society or the future. The market compels its biggest players to compete against each other in looting the commons, offering short-term profits to investors, and disregarding unmeasured, externalized costs elsewhere such as poverty, war, and ecocide. Any big player who finds scruples will be out-competed and will soon be replaced (but not necessarily become impoverished or socially powerless. As long as the billions are there in his bank account he’ll have plenty of muscle in a capitalist arrangement and will live in splendor.—Eds). Thus, it’s not just greedy big players who must be overthrown, but the game itself.

3rd revelation: THE ECOSYSTEM (starts at 13:47 in the video)

Dutch whalers, murdering these animals in 1690, for profit, of course. Looking at nature and animals as mere tools for self-enrichment is an old concept endorsed by many religions. (Wikipedia)

Dutch whalers, murdering these animals in 1690, for profit, of course. Looking at nature and animals as mere tools for self-enrichment is an old concept endorsed by many religions, and magnified by modern industrialism. (Wikipedia)

[dropcap]A[/dropcap] living whale is an awesome creature, but it has no monetary value. The parts of a killed whale are worth a million dollars in quick profit. That’s why the whales are all disappearing. And the ecosystem, the interdependent system of all life on Earth, is disappearing for essentially the same reason. It’s being cut to pieces for quick profit by a few people who disregard the unmeasured costs of excessive harvesting, toxic dumping, and global warming.

Global warming [climate change] is a much greater problem than most people realize. The mainstream media tell us our coastal cities will be flooded in a century, but they fail to mention that without immediate action, our species may be extinct just a few decades from now. It doesn’t take long to explain why:

Many of the consequences of warming — dying vegetation, melting icecaps, escaping methane, and so on — are also causes of warming. Because of these feedback loops, warming is accelerating exponentially.

Exponential growth starts out tiny and slow, as you can see at the left end of this graph; it’s invisible to the naked eye. But the bigger it gets, the faster it grows. Eventually it becomes visible, and soon after that it’s enormous and growing explosively, as you can see at the right end of this graph. Well, global warming became visible around 2012.

The world’s temperature has been higher than this before, but it hasn’t increased this rapidly in tens of millions of years. Plants and animals can’t adapt quickly enough, and so they’re going extinct far faster than new species can develop. As the ecosystem loses diversity, it grows fragile. At some point it will simply collapse, starving us all. Already, droughts are causing crop failures, rising food prices, and in some countries civil wars.

Scientists have a pretty good idea of what remedies we need. We need to shift to a carbon-neutral way of life, or better still, a carbon-negative way of life, to take excess greenhouse gases out of the atmosphere.

But politicians aren’t listening to the scientists. For example, a few years ago, the Arctic began melting rapidly, decreasing both the planet’s albedo and its buffer for latent heat. That should have been a wake-up call: We must phase out fossil fuels quickly, or they’ll kill us all. But instead the ruling class said, “oh, goody, now it will be so much easier to extract fossil fuels from the Arctic!” And they began squabbling among themselves about who would get what portion. That’s because the politicians are driven by their campaign donations, which are driven by the market, which can’t concern itself with the well being of society or the future, as I explained earlier.

And even our leading environmental reformists can’t quite bring themselves to talk about ending plutocracy. For instance:

  • Bill McKibben’s 2012 article, Global Warming’s Terrifying New Math, explained that for us to avoid climate apocalypse, the fossil fuel companies will have to leave in the ground 20 trillion dollars worth of proven reserves. But McKibben could not quite bring himself to admit that under our present economic system, it simply is not possible for companies to walk away from 20 trillion dollars — and so we need a drastically different economic system.
  • Naomi Klein’s 2014 book, This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. The Climate, listed a thousand and one ways in which capitalism is attacking the climate — and yet the book left the impression that all these attacks could be merely coincidental, and might be cleaned away by reforms. The concluding chapter acknowledged that fundamental changes and a new worldview are needed, but at no point did Klein analyze capitalism and explain that it is inherently ecocidal. She could not bring herself to suggest replacing it with democratic socialism.

Some people think it’s already too late, and our species is doomed. I don’t know how they can say that. After all, we’re not dead yet. It may appear that little time remains to us, but we don’t yet know what we may discover in that time if we try. We may succeed, or we may fail. But if we don’t try, then we certainly will fail.

4th revelation: HUMAN NATURE (starts at 18:48 in the video)

[dropcap]W[/dropcap]e’re often told that “things always have been this way, and things always will be this way, because people are basically greedy and selfish.” But all three parts of that statement are wrong.

Things haven’t always been this way. Yes, we’ve lived separately and hierarchically for 10,000 years; but for 200,000 years before that, we lived cooperatively, without rulers (in the modern sense, that is, we had only tribal or family or clans chieftains) sharing everything of importance. That’s still in our nature.

And things won’t always be this way. They can’t be. Indeed, if “business as usual” continues just a little longer, ecocide will kill us all.

eric-K-beggar-apathyAnd, as I’ve already mentioned, people aren’t basically greedy and selfish. But our current culture certainly trains those traits into us. They’re built into the so-called “American dream”: You keep your stuff in your house, I keep my stuff in my house, and we’re taught that we don’t need to care about each other. Shootings in schools and shopping malls have become commonplace.

But we don’t shoot our friends; why can’t we all be friends? We need a new kind of society, one where everyone cares about everyone else, no one is left behind, and no one wants to hurt anyone else. We need a mass movement bigger than anyone can plan in advance. We need a global metamorphosis of values.

A more beautiful world IS possible. Just look inside your own heart and the hearts of your friends, and you’ll realize that all your seven billion cousins have the same things inside them too. We’re all one flesh and blood.

Of course, each of us always has a choice. There is a story (often attributed to the Cherokees) that two wolves are fighting inside each of us, one good, one evil. The wolf that wins is the one we feed. Our present culture encourages the worst in us; let’s replace it with a culture that encourages our better side.

Dream big. Spread the word.

Warns Eric:
Eric Schechter, a retired professor of mathematics at Vanderbilt U, is a senior contributing editor to The Greanville Post. He does a great deal of activism in the Nashville, Tenn., area. 


2 December 2014.

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Why “Torture Doesn’t Work”

The appointment by Donald Trump of Gina Haspel, a CIA official directly involved in supervising torture, as head of the agency, has thrown the world of liberal pretensions and their mouthpieces into turmoil.  Liberals do not mind imperialist crimes as bloody and vicious as they come, provided that a mask of civility and deniability is maintained by the exceptional nation, something impossible in the case of Haspel, whom even some former colleagues find a questionable choice and whose offences remain a matter of record. This is nothing new, of course. This kind of pickle is inherent in the US empire, which requires refined hypocrisy and massive public ignorance—abetted confusion would be a more appropriate term— to conduct its criminal plutocratic agenda.  We are being literal here. Most American politicians earn their epaulettes by learning the craft of imposture, Obama being the most recent example of true mastery of this devious art, but Trump, a non-professional politician, and a clumsy oaf by nature, is incapable of delivering in that regard, his regime inevitably defined by coarse impulsiveness, pervasive chaos, and petulant recklessness, where the true, ugly and sociopathic face of imperial power is often revealed.

This is one of Trump’s few unwitting saving graces (or disgraces, depending on who’s doing the observing), and a reason why he’s regarded by the deep state as a threat to the status quo, a concern augmented by their suspicion, despite Trump’s recent ostensible conversion to rabid neocon doctrine, that the Donald remains deep inside a non-believer in constant wars, let alone an apocalyptic one with the Russians, as his belligerent advisers continually seek to arrange. In any case, with Haspel in the news, and Pompeo thumping his chest and promising to make the CIA an still meaner outfit than it is, the question of torture itself—or “enhanced interrogations,” as the compliant media has largely agreed to call it—has also returned to the political consciousness. Does it work?   And is it moral to judge its use by solely utilitarian values? Or is torture just an intimidation tool? In this piece, first published in December of 2014, our senior editor provides some background to the issue.— PG


For The Greanville Post and The Planetary Movement.


tortureRack

Steven Jonas, MD, MPH
This is a repost.
First iteration 19 Dec 2014

torture and the CIA. It is entitled: “Panel Faults C.I.A. Over Brutality and Deceit in Terrorism Interrogations.”   But even just the Executive Summary presents a huge amount of horrifying detail about the program. (I need not detail it here; it and a huge amount of commentary has already appeared in The Times and many other news sources, print, electronic and other.  A particularly useful historical analysis has appeared on The Greanville Post.)

It happens that a good deal of the information contained in the report has been known, in relative bits and pieces, for quite some time.  What the Senate Committee has done is assemble a huge amount of material in one place, and then put their imprimatur on the information, which it has been collecting in sometimes gruesome detail over the past six years.  The most important conclusion to come away with in examining the Report is the Senate Intelligence Committee’s major finding about the CIA’s torture program:  that is was bad because it didn’t work.  And they produced huge mountains of evidence to support that claim.


No so-called civilized nation can claim that torture is permissible because “it works.” 


The Republicans, who for some time refused to participate in the work of the Committee have reacted in horror, not at the details of the torture itself and the catalog of CIA cover-ups, incompetence, disorganization, amateurism, and what-have-you, but at the fact that they have all been made public.  Most importantly, despite the fact that the Senate Committee assembled an overwhelming amount of evidence, and despite the fact that the Republicans did not avail themselves of it, they claimed that torture does work, in intelligence gathering, and then on, as they so often do, to try to change the subject.  Consider:  “Many Republicans have said that the report is an attempt to smear both the C.I.A. and the Bush White House, and that the report cherry-picked information to support a claim that the C.I.A.’s detention program yielded no valuable information. Former C.I.A. officials quickly began a well-prepared and vigorous public campaign to dispute the report’s findings.”


Tim Russert, "star reporter", interviewing the high and the powerful—and no one else. Same kind of joke is seen on Bob Schieffer's Face the nation, same parade of insiders and establishment worthies.

The late Tim Russert, “star anchor” for the ponderous Meet the Press (NBC), specialized on interviewing exclusively establishment figures and reactionaries, thereby acting as a thinly-veiled propaganda shill.  Same kind of joke is seen on Bob Schieffer’s Face the Nation, same parade of insiders and safely vetted voices. These media frauds never heard of a dissenting voice worth presenting to the public, although such people are not hard to find.

Of course the torturer-in-chief, Dick Cheney, went bananas over the report’s release.  He argues both that torture works and then (oops!) that what was done wasn’t torture anyway.  So he, and all of his GOP and other cheerleaders, first try to deny reality (just as they do on so many issues, from global warming to racism) and then if that doesn’t work, get the argument onto definitions.

Cheney has also famously said that whatever what was done is or isn’t torture, a), he would authorize it all over again, and b) even if innocent people were picked up and put into the program, that really didn’t matter in the pursuit of its overall goals.  Interestingly enough, I did not hear of anyone asking him, if what the Senate Committee defined as torture wasn’t, what would he define as torture and would he authorize its use if he thought circumstances warranted that intervention.

Demonstrating his complete lack of knowledge of human anatomy and physiology Cheney even claimed that “rectal feeding” was OK, if done for “medical reasons.”  Note to the former Vice-President: the colon a) is not a digestive organ, b) as a physician for over 50 years, I have never heard forced ramming of food into the rectum described as a medical therapy.  Of course if Yoo and Bybee (who defined what the CIA was doing as not torture) were quack physicians instead of quack lawyers they might well have defined “rectal feeding” as a “medical therapy.”   Andy Borowitz tells us (WARNING, satire) that to, in his terms, properly deal with the subject, Cheney has even called for an international ban on the issuance of reports on the use of torture.  Nevertheless, despite what Cheney and his fellow cheer-leaders have said, we know that the CIA has done some very bad things (bad, that is, if you think that torture is bad), fully justified by the Bush Administration.  Indeed, even though the Committee said that it wasn’t, we know, as directly confirmed by Cheney himself, that the program was fully authorized by the Bush Administration.

However, and it’s a big however, the Senate Committee’s whole premise is that: the program was bad because it didn’t work.  Which raises the question: would they have concluded that torture was OK if it had produced useful intelligence?  Uh-oh and Oh my.  If Cheney et al were/are right about the utility of torture, at least as practiced by the CIA, then the Committee’s whole argument against it collapses in a heap.  Indeed by focusing primarily on “torture doesn’t work” for its primary criticism of the program, the Senate Intelligence Committee has let the Republicans  and the numerous complicit corporate Democrats and the Right-wing generally off the hook.  For they can simply come back, as they are, as noted, doing vociferously, saying “yes it does.”

is clearly prohibited by various Federal statutes.   But the central issue here is the violation of Constitutional law.  The use of torture by any signatory to them is found in the Geneva Conventions and the UN Convention Against Torture.  The United States is a party to both, and both are signed and ratified U.S. international treaties.  But before considering the Constitutional question, let us consider just what “torture” is, in anybody’s terms other than Cheney’s et al.

The authors of the Geneva Conventions just assumed that everyone “knows” what torture is; they didn’t bother to define it any detail.  The UN Convention defines it in general terms as “Any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession . . .”   By exclusion, the U.S. Army Field Manual is rather explicit about it.  The Bush Administration’s quack law firm, Bybee and Yoo, tried to define their way out of the quagmire, that “finding” being what Cheney (who probably dictated it to them, or perhaps it was his hatchet man Addington) falls back on.  But no one outside of themselves and the US Right would agree that what was done to numbers of prisoners of the US was not torture.  And the Senate Committee has certainly concluded that it was and uses the term “torture” over-and-over again.


BushTeam-Yoo-Cheney-Rumsfeld

But then comes the truly inconvenient truth that the use of torture by US authorities is simply unconstitutional. Under article VI of the U.S. Constitution, as treaties signed and ratified by the U.S. government, both Conventions are part of “the supreme law of the land and [further] the judges of every state shall be bound by them.”  This, and its illegality under various U.S. statutes and Codes, are the only arguments that one can make against the use of torture by US agencies that can withstand the “but it works” argument, even if the latter were true.  Thus, torture both doesn’t work and is unconstitutional as well as illegal.

The CIA surely knew the first: they haven’t been able to come up with even one provable example of its effectiveness.  (Further, it should be noted that during the Clinton Administration two attempted terrorist attacks that would have produce much larger death tolls even than 9/11 were thwarted, presumably through the use of conventional intelligence/interrogation techniques. The first was the 1998 “25 airliners” plot and the second was “Millennium Bomb Plot” against Los Angeles International Airport.  This was done apparently without using one torturous twitch.)  But the bottom line is that the use of torture by any U.S. agency is unconstitutional, and that, not “it doesn’t work,” is where the argument against such use should start.  Indeed, “it doesn’t work” just doesn’t work in the battle to ban the use of torture by the US government, which, as it happens, may well be renewed if the next President is a Republican.



ABOUT THE AUTHOR
 STEVEN JONAS, Senior Editor, Duopoly Watch • Steven Jonas, MD, MPH is a retired Professor of Preventive Medicine at Stony Brook University (NY) and author/co-author/editor/co-editor of 36 books.  He has also published numerous academic papers, and publications on a wide variety of topics in the lay press, ranging from politics to the sport of triathlon.  In his academic career Dr. Jonas has received a number of honors and awards. He is a Past President of the Association of Teachers of Preventive Medicine (the predecessor of the APTR), and a past member of the New York State Board for Medicine.