The Women’s March in Washington D.C., as Broadcast [1]


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by Ann Garrison


If you watched it on TV, the Women’s March on Washington seemed to be a Democratic Party, Hillary-Is-My-President affair. “It was all about protection and equal opportunity for women and all racial and religious minorities, but that didn’t include protection from predatory financial institutions, from all intrusive spying, or from sacrifice to foreign wars for resources and global hegemony.”


Michael Moore urged everyone to start calling their Congressional reps every single day, and run, at the very least, for Democratic Party precinct delegate.”

I didn’t show up for the Womens’ March on the day after Donald Trump’s inauguration. I didn’t go to DC or join the local Oakland and San Francisco manifestations. I was way too sick to go anywhere, but I hadn’t been planning to anyway.  What were we going to protest? That Donald Trump won the election?  That Hillary lost?  That Trump’s in Putin’s pocket?  That Trump is a pussy grabbing, wall building, climate change denying, health care abolishing, tax dodging, shit spewing, demagogue [3]? That his campaign nevertheless struck a chord in the heartland that Hillary’s did not and enabled him to win the electoral college? That he promised  to withdraw the U.S. from the Trans Pacific Partnership?  (As he did within his first few days in office.)

Were we to protest because Trump wants to create a Muslim registry?  That’s not good, but Bush did that; it was called the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System (NSEERS) or INS Special Registration.  Obama maintained it until December 22, 2016, when he dismantled it so Trump would have to start over. 

Were we to protest because Trump might withdraw U.S. troops from Europe’s borders with Russia?  During the week of the inauguration, MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow reassured [4] us that President Obama had greatly reduced the risk of that by deploying thousands more troops to Norway and Poland on his last two days in office, meaning that there are now more troops deployed in Europe than at any time since World War II.  “Here’s the question,” Maddow said, “Is the new president gonna take those troops out?  After all the speculation, after all the worry, we are actually about to find out if Russia maybe has something on the new president?  We’re about to find out if the new president of our country is going to do what Russia wants once he’s commander-in-chief of the U.S. military starting noon on Friday. What is he gonna do with those deployments?  Watch this space. Seriously.”


Chris Hedges described the march as ‘tepid,’ but said that this is how movements start and that it might grow into something larger.”

Even if I hadn’t been sick, I was disinclined to march, but I switched on the broadcast reporting, alternating between CNN, MSNBC, Democracy Now,  and a raw video livestream, so this is my response to the broadcast spectacle, not to the event as experienced in the streets.  A number of my friends who were in the streets were elated by the size and energy of the crowds and say they had a more radical, more promising experience than what I saw broadcast.  Chris Hedges, speaking to TruthDig, described the march as “tepid,” but said that this is how movements start and that it might grow into something larger.  Not necessarily, but he thought it had it possibilities of growing into a more radical challenge  and I hope he’s right.

I hadn’t expected to be much interested in the broadcasts for the same reasons I was disinclined to go, but I was immediately mesmerized by what a carefully staged and confined spectacle it was, by what it accepted and what it didn’t, at least as broadcast.  The most glaring exclusions were opposition to U.S. wars, to the NSA’s spying on our every phone call and our daily lives, and to the Wall Street financialization schemes that led to the 2008 crash, the bank bailout, the foreclosures and the destruction of middle class wealth, including half  that of the Black population. [5]

CNN and MSNBC had one overriding concern: whether or not the Democratic Party could harness all this energy into wins in 2018 and 2020, or whether it would simply dissipate like Occupy and the Tea Party.  Democracy Now made no attempt to force that framework on it, but included no alternate analysis either.

The most glaring exclusions were opposition to U.S. wars, to the NSA’s spying on our every phone call and our daily lives, and to the Wall Street financialization schemes.”

The speakers who came to the podium all appeared to assume that the half million or more people present were all members of the Democratic Party and no one was more excited about this than filmmaker Michael Moore.  He urged everyone to start calling their Congressional reps every single day, to make it a part of their morning routine, as soon as they’d made the coffee.  He urged them to run for local office, city council, school board or, at the very least, Democratic Party precinct delegate.   

However, something happened as Michael Moore was putting the finishing touches on his vision that we all fix our sights on pushing the old Democratic leadership aside — despite all the good things they’ve done — and taking over the Party.  When he started a sentence with, “And when we take over the DNC. . . ,” Ashley Judd suddenly burst on the stage, rudely interrupting him, and starting her overwrought “I am a nasty woman” performance. Before she was done she had saluted a long list of other heroic “nasty women,” including not only Hillary Clinton but also Condoleezza Rice.

Michael Moore did not say “Excuse me, Ashley, but I haven’t finished explaining how we’re going to take over the DNC.”  Instead he tried to save face by saying, “Oh my God, here’s Ashley Judd.”

Here’s a list of other choice  moments created by a few of the other speakers:  

America Ferrera: “It’s been a heart-rending time to be both a woman and an immigrant in this country. Our dignity, our character, our rights have all been under attack, and a platform of hate and division assumed power yesterday. But the president is not America. His cabinet is not America. Congress is not America. We are America. And we are here to stay.”  

What’s wrong with that? America Ferrera is the daughter of Honduran immigrants.  She endorsed Hillary Clinton in the primaries and general elections, first in 2008, then in 2012.  The overthrow of populist Honduran leader Manuel Zelaya engineered by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton did not change her mind.  Neither did the ensuing flood of Hondurans desperately trying to cross our borders to safety, most of all children.

Gloria Steinem:  “I’ve been thinking about the uses of a long life. And one of them is that you remember when things were worse. We remember the death of the future with Martin Luther King, with Jack Kennedy, with Bobby Kennedy, with Malcolm X. Without those deaths, for instance, Nixon would not have been elected and there would not have been many of the wars that we have had.”  

Huh?  These assassinations of the 1960s brought on the wars that destroyed Yugoslavia, Iraq, Libya and very nearly Syria?  The ongoing 15-year Afghanistan War?


Madonna and her ilk demonstrated the infuriating ignorance and pathetic naivete of these multimillionaire celebrity “activists”.  Hillary Clinton—”the Good”—did not win the election? Hillary??!! WTF! (Madonna’s net worth is put at $500 MM.)


Madonna: “It seems as though we had all slipped into a false sense of comfort that justice would prevail and that good would win in the end. Well, good did not win this election but good will win in the end. (sic) So what today means is that we are far from the end. Today marks the beginning, the beginning of our story. The revolution starts here. The fight for the right to be free, to be who we are, to be equal.”  

A ‘false sense of comfort” that “good” [Hillary Clinton and the Democratic Party] could have won this election and will in the end?

Van Jones: “When Barack Obama went flying away in that helicopter, I felt like something beautiful was dying. And I felt that something that we had all worked for and that we had all given our hopes and our dreams to was dying.  And yet, with every breakdown, a breakthrough is possible, and today, because of you, something beautiful is being reborn in America. Something beautiful is being born right here and right now.”

The Democratic Party has obviously eaten Van Jones’s brain. 

Those notably absent from the stage included:

Chris Hedges, author of many books and fierce critic of the Democratic/Republican Party duopoly

David Swanson, Executive Director of World Beyond War and author of “War Is a Lie”

Ellen Brown, founder of the Public Banking Institute

Glen Ford, critic of capitalism, US wars, and the “Black Misleadership Class”

Glenn Greenwald, journalist who, with Edward Snowden, revealed that the NSA has left us nowhere to hide from its spying on all our communications and even our daily lives

Jill Stein, Green Party presidential candidate, who called for immediately halving the military budget and instituting a “Green New Deal” to create sustainable infrastructure and employ all Americans

Michael Klare, critic of the U.S. war in Syria and the NATO buildup on Russia’s border

Naomi Klein, critic of disaster capitalism and pending climate destruction

Ralph Nader, public interest lawyer and activist and three time Green or independent candidate for president

In many ways, the event resembled the Democratic National Convention, which Counterpunch Editor Jeffery St. Clair called “a neutron bomb of identity politics.”  It was all about protection and equal opportunity for women and all racial and religious minorities, but that didn’t include protection from predatory financial institutions, from all intrusive spying, or from sacrifice to foreign wars for resources and global hegemony.

Nor did it include any concern for the protection of women, families, and nations targeted by U.S. wars, drone assassinations, and covert destabilization.  I don’t know how the Womens’ March organizers and/or donors so carefully confined protest, but it was very confined, at least in the broadcast spectacle projected from the stage in Washington D.C.

I’m sure there were more radical off stage expressions in local marches and in D.C., but that’s what I saw on TV.  I hope Chris Hedges is right that it might contain the seeds of a more fundamental challenge.

Source URL: http://blackagendareport.com/women%27s_march_on_dc_on_tv

Links

[1] http://blackagendareport.com/women%27s_march_on_dc_on_tv

[2] http://blackagendareport.com/taxonomy/term/6940

[3] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GLG9g7BcjKs

[4] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uHX031UoCXA

[5] http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2016/feb/11/bernie-s/sanders-african-american-lost-half-their-wealth-be/



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Cory Booker, Corporate Hooker: The Perfect Establishment Opposition to Donald Trump


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by BAR managing editor Bruce A. Dixon




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MAIN IMAGE: Cory Booker, stooge. 


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Cuba and Our Common Future


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by Danny Haiphong




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 Danny Haiphong is an Asian activist and political analyst in the Boston area. He can be reached at wakeupriseup1990@gmail.com [4] 

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Freedom Rider: Democrats Attack Trump from the Right


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by BAR editor and senior columnist Margaret Kimberley




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 Margaret Kimberley's Freedom Rider column appears weekly in BAR, and is widely reprinted elsewhere. She maintains a frequently updated blog as well as at http://freedomrider.blogspot.com. [10] Ms. Kimberley lives in New York City, and can be reached via e-Mail at Margaret.Kimberley(at)BlackAgendaReport.com. 

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From the Archives: On the Eve of the Obama Presidency 


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Mark T. Harris
harrismedia.org


 on JANUARY 10, 2017
SOURCE: HARRISMEDIA.ORG

As the Obama presidency draws to a close, I repost this early article on his political rise from the August-September 2008 issue of the South African magazine, Amandla! This review, co-written with my friend and collaborator Carl Finamore, focuses largely on Obama’s foreign policy views. One issue I further addressed last year in “Drones and the Imperial Mindset” for Truthout was the President’s expanded use of military drones as a tool of international assassination. Tellingly, Noam Chomsky in 2015 described the drone program as “the most extreme terrorist campaign of modern times.” Readers are otherwise welcome to judge the veracity of any of our assessments. On a personal note, I wish Carl Finamore the very best in 2017 as he continues to recover his health. –Markamandla-logo-1
smallamandlaAfter 16 years of someone named either Bush or Clinton occupying the White House, the timing was right for Barack Obama’s presumptive victory as the Democratic Party presidential nominee. It was a victory the party establishment did not see coming.

A relative newcomer to national politics, Obama’s campaign tapped into a reservoir of deep public discontent with the old faces and the old politics of both major United States parties. As the first African-American to win the Presidential nomination of a major party, Obama’s success understandably inspires many in the black community.

Indeed, Obama’s message of change is like the perfect storm to the drought of hope of the last eight years. A May CNN/ Opinion Research Corporation survey shows 71% of Americans now disapprove of President Bush, making him the most unpopular president in modern American history. Nearly two-thirds of Americans also oppose the Iraq War. With soaring gas/petrol prices and millions facing home foreclosures, the Obama candidacy has become for many Americans the right candidate at the right time.


Back to the future?

But what exactly is this message of change? What can Americans and the world expect from an Obama presidency? On foreign policy, Obama promises a return to the more conventional foreign policy of earlier Clinton and Bush administrations. After eight years of a White House responsible for a genocidal occupiers’ war in Iraq, a ‘war on terror’ that has earned the United States a global reputation as a rogue superpower that tortures its enemies, some might consider Obama’s professed foreign policy stance reassuring.

But less reckless than the Bush Administration does not necessarily mean less war-like or imperial. Referring to President George H.W. Bush, father of the current president, Obama told New York Times columnist David Brooks (16 May 2008), ‘I have enormous sympathy for the foreign policy of George H.W. Bush. I don’t have a lot of complaints about their handling of Desert Storm.’

What is Obama really telling us here? In 1991, Bush the elder’s response to Iraq’s incursion into Kuwait represented an orchestrated march to a foregone conclusion – war, before which all diplomatic solutions fell. In fact, serious Iraqi offers to negotiate withdrawal from Kuwait were repeatedly rejected by the White House in the weeks prior to the military assault.

As many as 250 000 men, women, and children would eventually die as a result of the United States military assault, according to the London-based Medical Educational Trust. But apparently all it took for Obama to judge the slaughter acceptable was the White House’s concern for ‘burden sharing’ and support from key US allies. For all Obama’s criticism of the current Iraq war, his support for the first Gulf war should give his supporters in the peace movement pause. As for the current war, the stage is already being set for Obama to renege on his campaign promise to pull all US combat troops out of Iraq within 16 months of taking office. According to Agence France-Presse (May 18), ‘Amid warnings of the risks of leaving too early, the Illinois senator – a strong opponent of the war – said that he reserves the right to change this policy depending on the situation on the ground.’

In fact, Obama has long indicated his withdrawal plans are contingent on the Iraqi government’s success in shoring up its military capabilities. An assessment of the latter will be under the expert advisement of American military generals. One of Obama’s key advisors, Colin Kahl of the Center for a New American Security, envisions leaving tens of thousands of US troops in Iraq for years.

As Naomi Klein and others have noted, Obama’s plan for staying in Iraq has more guarantees than his plan for leaving Iraq (ZNet, 27 March 2008). His ‘war opposition’, such as it is, would leave a large counterterrorism ‘strike force’ in the region, trainers for the Iraqi military, and thousands of armed private contractors in Iraq.

Nor does he plan to dismantle the large American Green Zone with its grotesquely imperial US embassy.

It’s apparently a rule of American presidential elections that any progressive Democratic candidate can be expected to move rightward once they clinch the party nomination or the election. Bill Clinton did it in 1992 when he abandoned the progressive rhetoric of the campaign trail for a conservative pro-NAFTA, anti-welfare economic agenda. Obama is doing it now with new rhetoric about support for exclusive Israeli control of Jerusalem, right-wing speeches about upholding the economic embargo against Cuba, and reversing his opposition to congressional legislation exempting telecommunications companies from lawsuits over warrant- less spying. He’s even talking lately about supporting more corporate tax breaks.

This left-to-right shuffle occurs because in the early stages of campaigning liberal candidates such as Obama (or Bill Clinton) must focus on building popular grassroots support. Later, the demands they face as the party’s official candidate shift more toward assuring established power and media of their reliability to serve and protect the corporate status quo.

On other issues, Obama’s long-stated positions are hardly better than the Republicans. He wants to expand the US war in Afghanistan and says he is willing if necessary to launch pre-emptive military assaults on Pakistan and Iran. Domestically, his healthcare plan represents a weak vision of reform in which private insurers will still run the show.


Will we really be closer to peace and justice under Obama?

Many left-progressives argue now that a better climate will exist for progressive social movements to flourish with a Democrat in office. Accordingly, otherwise trenchant critics of the war in Iraq, from veteran activist Tom Hayden to journalist Robert Scheer and others, have begun touting Obama’s election as the path to a renewed society. But where is the evidence of this? Has there been any real progress in ending the war since the Democrats won control of Congress two years ago? Is the antiwar movement now growing commensurate with the success of Obama’s campaign?

If anything, the opposite is true. The energy and hopes of many peace activists are now being channeled into electing a candidate whose ‘new course’ in foreign policy amounts to mostly tactical differences with the Bush Administration.

But should we really expect something more from a candidate whose Senate record includes voting for every single war appropriations bill? Should we expect more from a candidate who wants more money for a defence budget that already equals half of the entire world’s military expenditures?

Such liberal hopes reflect a misunderstanding of how power works and social change occurs. The core power of the 1960s civil rights movement grew from sit-ins, marches, unrelenting popular dissent, and from the movement’s subsequent moral authority, not from the fact that John F. Kennedy or Lyndon B. Johnson were in office. Women’s suffrage, the Vietnam peace movement, and labour’s quest for the eight-hour day were also all fundamentally products of mass social protest, not whether the President was a Republican or a Democrat.


“The energy and hopes of many peace activists are now being channeled into electing a candidate whose ‘new course’ in foreign policy amounts to mostly tactical differences with the Bush Administration…”


Contrary to progressive folk wisdom, a Republican President is not intrinsically impervious to the pressures of mass dissent. If the American antiwar movement has failed over the last five years to force Bush out of Iraq, this is more a testament to the limits of the existing movement (and the demobilising effects of the Democratic Party on the movement) than the strengths of Bush. Ironically, it was under Republican President Richard Nixon that the life-saving Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) was created, the military draft ended, and abortion rights mandated. Such social change happened not because Nixon or the Supreme Court were even remotely progressive, but because of a changed political climate that was the result of years of protest and grassroots activism.

Isn’t this the story generally of all movements for democracy? Apartheid collapsed under De Klerk’s government in South Africa not because a more ‘liberal’ representative of apartheid took office, but because of the explosion of massive and prolonged popular discontent that began with the Soweto rebellion.

Unfortunately, the long-established lack of any major labour-based party in the US predisposes many liberals and left-progressives to subscribe to an outlook, however implicitly stated, that social change originates with those in power. In the end, this perspective reduces itself to the argument that, if nothing else, at least Obama will be better than McCain.

Different, yes. But for life to get better will take independent mass political action, not just illusions in Obama’s good intentions. What will certainly not change with Obama’s election is who holds the power. In fact, a more authoritative leadership in Washington could actually embolden new military adventures in Iran or Pakistan, for example, that would be more difficult for the now widely discredited Bush White House.

In any case, it would be naïve to expect the imperial mind-set that has led the US under the last two administrations to impose 17 years of bipartisan hardship on working-class Americans and unprovoked war on the people of Iraq to suddenly abate with a new Democrat in office.


NOTE:

Carl Finamore is former local president (ret.) of a Northern California union.
Amandla! is a progressive left monthly published in South Africa. Visit their website: www.Amandla.org.za



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 Mark T. Harris is a writer living in Portland, Oregon. His political analysis is not only rarely lucid, but positively visionary. He grew up a few blocks from the site of the old Lindlahr Sanitarium frequented by Eugene Debs in the Chicago suburb of Elmhurst. However, none of the teachers in the local schools ever spoke a word about Debs or the clinic. He does remember Carl Sandburg’s Elmhurst home, which was torn down in the 1960s to build a parking lot. Email:Harris@writersvoice.org  

MAIN IMAGE: Barack Obama takes the oath of office at the 56th Inauguration Ceremony, Washington, D.C., Jan. 20, 2009 (DoD photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Chad J. McNeeley/Released)


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