Chris Hedges “Brace Yourself! The American Empire Is Over” (Video Lecture)

And the descent is going to be horrifying.

 

WATCH VIDEO BELOW

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Obama Orders Military-Police Department Joint Exercises in Los Angeles, Other Cities.

by Ralph Lopez


Photo: Truthout.org

Weeks after Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Chris Hedges filed suit against President Obama in Federal District Court for egregiously violating the U.S. Constitution by signing the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA), the US military has been conducting joint exercises with city police departments.  An LAPD press release states:

The Los Angeles Police Department will be providing support for a joint military training exercise in and around the great (sic) Los Angeles area.  This will be routine training conducted by military personnel, designed to ensure the military’s ability to operate in urban environments, prepare forces for upcoming overseas deployments, and meet mandatory training certification requirements.

NDAA, as the bill signed into law by Obama on New years Eve has come to be called, allows the indefinite military detentions of US citizens without charge or trial.  

CBS blithely noted last Tuesday:

If you notice a heavy military presence around downtown Los Angeles this week, don’t be alarmed — it’s only a drill.

The military deployed a Black Hawk, a helicopter that has served in combat in Iraq and Afghanistan, and four OH-6 helicopters.  According to Truthout.org, at one point they flew just above the US Bank building downtown.

Hedges in an interview with Democracy Now speculated that, since the national security establishment, NSA, FBI and other agencies charged with protecting the country against terrorists actually lobbied against the NDAA, the true impetus for it was the fear among corporate elites of an expanding Occupy Wall Street movement this summer.

Hedges said:

“And I think, without question, the corporate elites understand that things, certainly economically, are about to get much worse. I think they’re worried about the Occupy movement expanding. And I think that, in the end—and this is a supposition—they don’t trust the police to protect them, and they want to be able to call in the Army.”

This month Occupy DC continued to press Congress with the message of getting the influence of money out of politics. Reuters reported on Jan. 17th:

“Demonstrators from the Occupy movement rallied at the Capitol and congressional office buildings on Tuesday to protest against the influence of money on lawmakers….Occupy protesters from around the country who gathered on the Capitol’s rain-soaked lawn carried signs saying, “Face it liberals, the Dems sold us out,” “Congress for sale” and “Banksters of America.””

The influence of money on the political process has been well-researched and documented by citizen watchdog organizations such as MAPLight.org.  In a report relating to the TARP bank bailouts MAPlight.org found that congressmen who voted for TARP, the “Troubled Assets Relief Program,” received nearly 50 percent more in campaign contributions from the financial services industry (an average of about $149,000) than congressmen who voted no.  

As Commander-in-Chief of the US Armed Forces Obama must sign off on all deployments and exercises.  This would seem to apply especially to deployments as politically sensitive as those in direct violation of the spirit of Posse Comitatus, the post-Civil War law intended to bar the use of the military for domestic law enforcement.  This is a role for which the National Guard was designed in case of emergencies.


Blackhawk standard armaments, two M240H machine guns.

In his lawsuit against Obama and the National Defense Authorization Act of 2011 (NDAA,) also known as the Homeland Battlefield Bill, Hedges charges in Count I of the official complaint:

The Homeland Battlefield Bill, §1031(C)(1) authorizes the indefinite detention, imprisonment and incarceration of U.S. citizens and other “covered persons” in the United States, including persons such as Plaintiff, without trial or judicial recourse in violation of the U.S. Constitution, Amendment V.

Full text of Hedges Complaint as Scribd document HERE.

The congressional drive to pass provisions which allow for the indefinite military detention of American citizens without charge or trial was accompanied by wording in the bill which Congressman Justin Amash called “carefully crafted to mislead the public.”

Facebook page states:

number of recall campaigns have begun against congressmen and senators who voted in favor of NDAA, as well as other state-level actions which challenge and seek to nullify the detention of Americans provisions.  In Virginia, legislators in the House of Delegates have filed House Bill 1160 (HB1160) which “Prevents any agency, political subdivision, employee, or member of the military of Virginia from assisting an agency or the armed forces of the United States in the investigation, prosecution, or detainment of a United States citizen in violation of the Constitution of Virginia.”

(Roll call votes: Senate (86 “yes” – 13 “no”)….House (283 “yes” – 136 “no”))


OH-6 “Little Bird” armaments

BBC report on NDAA:

Related posts and blogs:

Arrests at White House Over NDAA Military Detention of Americans.

Recall the Traitors at blogspot.com
PROFESSOR J. TURLEY ON THE NDAA (VIDEO)

NDAA language analysis:

Section 1021

(b) COVERED PERSONS.—A covered person under this section is any person as follows:

(1) A person who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored those responsible for those attacks.

(2) A person who was a part of or substantially supported al-Qaeda, the Taliban, or associated forces that are engaged in hostilities against the United States or its coalition partners, including any person who has committed a belligerent act or has directly supported such hostilities in aid of such enemy forces.

COMMENT: “Substantial support” of an “associated force” may imply citizens engaged in innocuous, First Amendment activities. Direct support of such hostilities in aid of enemy forces may be construed as free speech opposition to U.S. government policies, aid to civilians, or acts of civil disobedience. Rep. Tom McClintock opposed the bill on the House floor saying it: “specifically affirms that the President has the authority to deny due process to any American it charges with “substantially supporting al Qaeda, the Taliban or any ‘associated forces'” — whatever that means. Would “substantial support” of an “associated force,” mean linking a web-site to a web-site that links to a web-site affiliated with al-Qaeda? We don’t know.”

(c) DISPOSITION UNDER LAW OF WAR.—The disposition of a person under the law of war as described in subsection (a) may include the following:

(1) Detention under the law of war without trial until the end of the hostilities authorized by the Authorization for Use of Military Force.

(2) Trial under chapter 47A of title 10, United States Code (as amended by the Military Commissions Act of 2009 (title XVIII of Public Law 111– 84)).

(3) Transfer for trial by an alternative court or competent tribunal having lawful jurisdiction.

(4) Transfer to the custody or control of the person’s country of origin, any other foreign country, or any other foreign entity.

(d) CONSTRUCTION.—Nothing in this section is intended to limit or expand the authority of the President or the scope of the Authorization for Use of Military Force.

(e) AUTHORITIES.—Nothing in this section shall be construed to affect existing law or authorities relating to the detention of United States citizens, lawful resident aliens of the United States, or any other persons who are captured or arrested in the United States.

COMMENT: “Existing law” is Fourth Circuit in Jose Padilla.

Section 1022 “(b) APPLICABILITY TO UNITED STATES CITIZENS AND LAWFUL RESIDENT ALIENS”:

(1) UNITED STATES CITIZENS.—The requirement to detain a person in military custody under this section does not extend to citizens of the United States.

COMMENT: Even if US citizens are not “required” to be detained by the military in terrorism cases, it is still “allowed.”

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Low IQ & Conservative Beliefs Linked to Prejudice

Well Duh! We needed a study to tell us that, especially when the media follows the Redumblican debates?

 

By Stephanie Pappas | LiveScience.com – Thu, Jan 26, 2012

There’s no gentle way to put it: People who give in to racism and prejudice may simply be dumb, according to a new study that is bound to stir public controversy.

The research finds that children with low intelligence are more likely to hold prejudiced attitudes as adults. These findings point to a vicious cycle, according to lead researcher Gordon Hodson, a psychologist at Brock University in Ontario. Low-intelligence adults tend to gravitate toward socially conservative ideologies, the study found. Those ideologies, in turn, stress hierarchy and resistance to change, attitudes that can contribute to prejudice, Hodson wrote in an email to LiveScience.

“Prejudice is extremely complex and multifaceted, making it critical that any factors contributing to bias are uncovered and understood,” he said.

Controversy ahead

The findings combine three hot-button topics.

“They’ve pulled off the trifecta of controversial topics,” said Brian Nosek, a social and cognitive psychologist at the University of Virginia who was not involved in the study. “When one selects intelligence, political ideology and racism and looks at any of the relationships between those three variables, it’s bound to upset somebody.”

Polling data and social and political science research do show that prejudice is more common in those who hold right-wing ideals that those of other political persuasions, Nosek told LiveScience. [7 Thoughts That Are Bad For You]

“The unique contribution here is trying to make some progress on the most challenging aspect of this,” Nosek said, referring to the new study. “It’s not that a relationship like that exists, but why it exists.”

Brains and bias

Earlier studies have found links between low levels of education and higher levels of prejudice, Hodson said, so studying intelligence seemed a logical next step. The researchers turned to two studies of citizens in the United Kingdom, one that has followed babies since their births in March 1958, and another that did the same for babies born in April 1970. The children in the studies had their intelligence assessed at age 10 or 11; as adults ages 30 or 33, their levels of social conservatism and racism were measured. [Life’s Extremes: Democrat vs. Republican]

In the first study, verbal and nonverbal intelligence was measured using tests that asked people to find similarities and differences between words, shapes and symbols. The second study measured cognitive abilities in four ways, including number recall, shape-drawing tasks, defining words and identifying patterns and similarities among words. Average IQ is set at 100.

Social conservatives were defined as people who agreed with a laundry list of statements such as “Family life suffers if mum is working full-time,” and “Schools should teach children to obey authority.” Attitudes toward other races were captured by measuring agreement with statements such as “I wouldn’t mind working with people from other races.” (These questions measured overt prejudiced attitudes, but most people, no matter how egalitarian, do hold unconscious racial biases; Hodson’s work can’t speak to this “underground” racism.)

As suspected, low intelligence in childhood corresponded with racism in adulthood. But the factor that explained the relationship between these two variables was political: When researchers included social conservatism in the analysis, those ideologies accounted for much of the link between brains and bias.

People with lower cognitive abilities also had less contact with people of other races.

“This finding is consistent with recent research demonstrating that intergroup contact is mentally challenging and cognitively draining, and consistent with findings that contact reduces prejudice,” said Hodson, who along with his colleagues published these results online Jan. 5 in the journal Psychological Science.

A study of averages

Hodson was quick to note that the despite the link found between low intelligence and social conservatism, the researchers aren’t implying that all liberals are brilliant and all conservatives stupid. The research is a study of averages over large groups, he said.

“There are multiple examples of very bright conservatives and not-so-bright liberals, and many examples of very principled conservatives and very intolerant liberals,” Hodson said.

Nosek gave another example to illustrate the dangers of taking the findings too literally.

“We can say definitively men are taller than women on average,” he said. “But you can’t say if you take a random man and you take a random woman that the man is going to be taller. There’s plenty of overlap.”

Nonetheless, there is reason to believe that strict right-wing ideology might appeal to those who have trouble grasping the complexity of the world.

“Socially conservative ideologies tend to offer structure and order,” Hodson said, explaining why these beliefs might draw those with low intelligence. “Unfortunately, many of these features can also contribute to prejudice.”

In another study, this one in the United States, Hodson and Busseri compared 254 people with the same amount of education but different levels of ability in abstract reasoning. They found that what applies to racism may also apply to homophobia. People who were poorer at abstract reasoning were more likely to exhibit prejudice against gays. As in the U.K. citizens, a lack of contact with gays and more acceptance of right-wing authoritarianism explained the link. [5 Myths About Gay People Debunked]

Simple viewpoints

Hodson and Busseri’s explanation of their findings is reasonable, Nosek said, but it is correlational. That means the researchers didn’t conclusively prove that the low intelligence caused the later prejudice. To do that, you’d have to somehow randomly assign otherwise identical people to be smart or dumb, liberal or conservative. Those sorts of studies obviously aren’t possible.

The researchers controlled for factors such as education and socioeconomic status, making their case stronger, Nosek said. But there are other possible explanations that fit the data. For example, Nosek said, a study of left-wing liberals with stereotypically naïve views like “every kid is a genius in his or her own way,” might find that people who hold these attitudes are also less bright. In other words, it might not be a particular ideology that is linked to stupidity, but extremist views in general.

“My speculation is that it’s not as simple as their model presents it,” Nosek said. “I think that lower cognitive capacity can lead to multiple simple ways to represent the world, and one of those can be embodied in a right-wing ideology where ‘People I don’t know are threats’ and ‘The world is a dangerous place‘. … Another simple way would be to just assume everybody is wonderful.”

Prejudice is of particular interest because understanding the roots of racism and bias could help eliminate them, Hodson said. For example, he said, many anti-prejudice programs encourage participants to see things from another group’s point of view. That mental exercise may be too taxing for people of low IQ.

“There may be cognitive limits in the ability to take the perspective of others, particularly foreigners,” Hodson said. “Much of the present research literature suggests that our prejudices are primarily emotional in origin rather than cognitive. These two pieces of information suggest that it might be particularly fruitful for researchers to consider strategies to change feelings toward outgroups,” rather than thoughts.

http://news.yahoo.com/low-iq-conservative-beliefs-linked-prejudice-180403506.html

“If the Internet has given us anything, it’s some idea of how much psychosis goes undiagnosed.”  – Jan Burke

 

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Neoliberalism and the End Of Shorter Work Hours

Christoph Hermann

Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 590

While in previous crises shorter work hours were discussed as a measure to combat growing unemployment, an astonishing feature of the current economic downturn from 2007 on was that work time reductions were nowhere on the political agenda. Not even in France and Germany, the champions of shorter work hours, both introducing a partial 35-hour week in the face of high unemployment in the 1980s and 1990s, was this the case. This is the more remarkable as temporary short-time working applied during the crisis in several European countries actually proved that shorter hours are a viable tool to prevent unemployment (even if still leaving mounting inequalities from capitalism still in place).

[1]

While European capital welcomed short-time work during the initial phase of the crisis, employers quickly reinstated their demand for longer hours and more flexibility when growth started to pick up again in 2010. In a number of countries, governments even announced an extension of the retirement age as part of a series of austerity measures adopted to limit the budget deficits caused by the crisis. A lower retirement age and the introduction of early retirement were used in the 1980s to create employment opportunities for younger workers. In a complete reversal of earlier arguments, workers are now expected to work longer and more years to keep their jobs and receive a pension.

The Increase in Work-time

In the U.S., the average workweek in 2000 was, quite astonishingly, 1.6 hours longer than it was in 1970.[2] By the end of the 1990s, American workers were putting in more than an additional week per year than in the early 1980s. In manufacturing, where the part-time rate is traditionally low, the difference between 1975 and 2000 amounted to more than two weeks. Sweden also shows a strong upward trend in yearly work hours, especially in the 1980s. The difference between 1990 and 2000 is 80 hours. Yet, in Sweden the growth can partly be explained by a growing number of women changing from part-time to full-time hours.

In Britain, yearly hours increased substantially in the 1980s (by 70 hours between 1981 and 1989), but fell back in the 1990s. Average yearly hours in 2001 were virtually the same as in 1981. Canada, too, experienced a surge in work hours in the 1990s with the effect that in 1999, workers put in 13 hours more per year than in 1991. In contrast to Britain, Canadian work hours fell back only slightly after 2000. In Germany and France average yearly hours were still falling in the 1980s and 90s, but either stagnated or slightly increased between 2003 and 2008.

OECD: “The reversal of the long-term decline in hour per capita in the 1990s was widespread across OECD countries and regions, with only few exceptions still recording significant falls.” [3]

Among the few countries that still recorded falling per-capita hours in the 1990s were France and Germany. But in both countries the development came to a halt in the mid-1990s, with levels of per capita hours largely stagnating between 1995 and 2008. Another way of looking at the same development is the comparison of work hours spent by households rather than by individual workers. The combined (paid) workweek of married couples in the U.S. increased from 52.2 hours in 1970 to 63.1 hours in 2000.[4]

Per capita work hours. Source: OECD. Own calculations.

The absence of shorter work hours in public debates in the core capitalist countries on possible remedies for the crisis of employment is the culmination of a longer process. In the past three decades the century long secular decline in work-time slowed down markedly. In most countries, it came to a halt. The OECD, IMF and the European Commission have welcomed this process as an improvement in the rate of labour utilization. Although they do not provide a clear definition of labour utilization, the term is supposed to reflect the intensity of work (usually measured in productivity) and the total number of work hours spent by a specific population (the rate of unemployment, the time spent for education, the length of working life, etc.). As such, it comes close to what Marxists understand as rate of exploitation.

Important here are not only average work hours. Employment rates (i.e. the proportion of the population that works for money) and the number of years workers have to work before they retire are just as important. Because of an increasing retirement age and surging female employment rates, labour utilization in Europe has increased at faster pace in the second half of the 1990s than in the U.S. (as the European Commission proudly notes in its ‘Employment in Europe 2007’ report).[5]

The increase in the rate of labour utilization is an essential feature of the era of neoliberalism. Increasingly long, flexible and fragmented work hours are a major characteristic of the neoliberal mode of living. Despite remarkable differences in the length of the work-day, week and year, all developed countries have accepted the need to increase employment rates and to make work time more flexible, fueling labour utilization.

Work-time Polarization

Countries have, however, rarely changed legal or collectively agreed work-time limits during the neoliberal period. Instead, there has been a weakening of collective work-time standards through: the granting of concessions and exemptions; the erosion and decentralization of collective bargaining; the introduction of new forms of flexibilization which make it difficult to maintain control over work time (such as individual work time accounts); and the individualization of work hours through the introduction of opting-out mechanisms (such as the allowance of the 60-hour week in Ontario); and the acceptance of large amounts of overtime (as applied in France after 2002 to lessen the effects of the 35-hour week).

The de-standardization of work hours was complemented by a turn to workfare in welfare policies, forcing more people into employment and requiring them to stay longer before they retired. Individualization and flexibilization were based on accelerating competition, rather than on workers’ preferences. This considerably weakened working-class solidarity. However, because the changes were fueled by competition, the outcome was not an outright extension of the work day or week. Instead, the outcome was a polarization of work-time with a growing proportion of workers putting in either particularly long or short hours.

Britain stands out for its highly unequal distribution of work hours. Although the polarization diminished somewhat in recent years, it is still the case that less than a third of British employees worked between 30 and 40 hours in 2008. Further, 30% of male workers put in more than 45 hours per week, while 12% of women worked less than 16 hours per week. In Germany, 46% of male workers still worked 40 hours a week in 2008. But the proportion of male workers who work between 41 and 48 hours more than doubled between 1995 and 2008. Over the same period, the proportion of women working less than 20 hours increased by 60%.

In the U.S., the proportion of workers who work 40 hours a week decreased from 48% in 1970 to 41% in 2000. The proportion working 50 and more hours a week increased from 21% to 26.5% over the same period. Canada also recorded a growing polarization of work hours between the early 1980s and mid-90s. This was reversed somewhat between 1997 and 2006. In France and Sweden, work hours are distributed more evenly with a comparably small proportion of the workforce working less than 30 hours a week. But in France the proportion of men working 40 hours and more has increased from 20% in 2002 to more than 35% in 2008.

Work Time and Working-Class Solidarity

The erosion of collective work time standards was partly caused by employer offensives against trade unions and collective bargaining and by the adoption of anti-trade union legislation. However, trade unions themselves indirectly supported the transformation when they sacrificed shorter hours as part of concession bargaining, or accepted that work hours are negotiated on the company level rather than the sector level. With the acceptance of longer hours, even as temporary exception, trade unions surrendered to the logic of competition bargaining and at least implicitly acknowledged that longer hours can save employment.

Yet longer hours fueled unemployment rather than solving it. As a result the power of the trade union movement further deteriorated, leaving workers even more vulnerable to the demands of capital. In some countries workers’ representatives were still able to win shorter work hours in the 1990s. But with flexibilization and a shift toward company-based bargaining they paid a heavy price. From flexibilization it was not very far to individualization of work-rules and work-time, with the granting of exemptions and the further erosion of collective bargaining. Since flexibilization went hand in hand with marketization, short and flexible hours soon became long and flexible.

In the postwar decades trade unions repeatedly traded shorter hours for higher wages and growing (material) living standards. Theorists such as André Gorz criticized this attitude because rather than freeing labour from capitalist domination, the accelerating work-spend-cycle made workers even more dependent on capital.[6] This cycle of accumulation was not only based on growing exploitation of labour but also of natural resources. Marx, for one, had already noted the similarities between the over-exploitation of labour and of the soil. Thus shorter work-time was advocated as a vital measure to move to a more sustainable form of human reproduction as well as expanding the realm of freedom from capitalist domination.

Since the 1980s, real wages in the core capitalist countries have only increased moderately, if they increased at all. Rather than trading shorter work hours for more income, working families now spend more hours at work to maintain their living standards. In this situation, it has become even more difficult for trade unions to convince their members to press for work-time reductions. However, shorter hours, not only in form of shorter daily and weekly work time, but also in form of paid breaks or leaves and early retirement, are still at the centre of any efforts to revive working-class solidarity.

Because they are not dependent on local costs of living, shorter hours can be – and should be – an international demand shared by workers in different countries (as shown by the original eight-hour day movement). By distributing available work amongst a larger number of workers, shorter hours not only benefit trade union members but also those without a job. This was, indeed, an important motive in the historical struggle for shorter work hours.

Shorter work-time gives people the opportunity to start to think about and experiment with alternative, non-capitalist and more democratic modes of living. Some workers who reduce their hours as part of short-time working during the crisis, for example, do not want to go back to full-time work.

Further, reduced work-time makes it easier to distribute paid and unpaid work more evenly between the genders. Not by accident, Swedish feminists demanded for the introduction of a general 30-hour week in the 1970s. Shorter work hours are crucial to re-form the capacity of the working-class movement to confront capital and to build a more equal and ecological sustainable society. •

Christoph Hermann is Senior Researcher, Working Life Research Centre Vienna and lecturer at the University of Vienna. Email: hermann@forba.at


Endnotes:

1. Steffen Lehndorff, “Before the Crisis, in the Crisis, and Beyond: The upheaval of collective bargaining in Germany,” Institute for Work, Skills, and Training, University Essen-Duisburg, 2010.

2. Ellen R. McGrattan and Richard Rogerson, “Changes in Hours Worked, 1950–2000,” Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis Quarterly Review, 28: 1 (2004), p. 17.

3. OECD, OECD Employment Outlook 2004. Paris, OECD, 2004.

4. J.A. Jacobs and K. Gerson, “Understanding changes in American Working time” in Fighting for Time: Shifting boundaries of work and social life, eds., C. F. Epstein and A. L. Kalleberg. New York, Russel Sage, 2004, pp. 25-45.

5. European Commission, Employment in Europe 2007 (Brussels: European Commission, 2007), pp. 127-8.

6. See, for example, André Gorz, Capitalism, Socialism, Ecology. London: Verso, 1994.

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DIANE GEE: Labor’s Worth or Pura Vida?

Is it truly our measure of worth?

Better question:  SHOULD it be?

Where does it come from, this self-reaffirming need to do have done something “productive”?

You all feel it, that feeling when you look back at something you have done well, we call it satisfaction, we call it a sense of pride. There is something to be said about the adage, “Anything worth doing at all is worth doing well,” but so often it only applies to what we call work.  What of that mouthful of food you are chewing?  Do you feel the texture, let the flavors dance upon your palate, be fully in the moment of appreciating the act of eating it?  Living fully aware is close to impossible.  We are not conditioned to be that way.

Even Marx argued that labor is central to a human being’s self-conception and sense of well-being.  Even as revolutionary as his thinking was at the time, that humans are alienated from their own humanity by not being “owners” of their own units of labor, and the products of their labors; he still comes from a decidedly Western standpoint.

I get it.  I’m Polish.  The Germanic tradition of hard work was instilled into me with my Mother’s milk, a generation removed from that land and into the relative safety of the 60’s.  It is, after all, a fairly hostile climate; and utterly necessary to over-produce and store to survive the harsh Winters.  That self-preserving tribal urge cannot be reduced easily even with the layers of technology that eased the fear of immediate death by an ill-prepared village.  Sure, now we can “work” and procure from a better gatherer/storer and survive;  but that measure of worth being work is still just a primal reactionary response.

I’m not arguing against Marx, here.  Rather, in arguing FOR Marx, I always butt up against the rationale of his opponents about the “slacker factor.”

It goes like this, their argument, “If you could quit working right now, and have everything taken care of anyway, would you?”  I inevitably look at my life and labor, and lack of quality of life because of the degrading labor I do and say, “Yes.”  If I owned a piece of the restaurant that employs me, if I was in charge of my own labor, would my mind be changed? No.  

Would I do nothing, sit endlessly, wallow in hedonistic pleasures, food and masturbation and sleep?  Well, sure.  Some of the time.  We all do that some of the time even when we are busy.  

What I would do is WRITE, create, play music, garden, feed friends; none of which qualifies as “work” under our system, yet all require the expenditure of energy.  

This leads to their second argument, “Who determines the value of a doctor over a sanitation worker? Their skill sets?  Their motivation and hard work to become such?”

It immediately reminds me that the system feeds the idea that aggressive super-driven people are “better” than those not so inclined.  “Look at that guy, he went to college and worked 2 jobs, and really earned his position.”  

There is no measure in that for what kind of man the Doctor is.  Is he kind?  Did he cut throats to get ahead?  We have lost the capacity to judge humankind at its most basic form, that being the spirit of a man, and only reward what physical labor he is able to produce.  “Physician” should be a calling, not just one route for a driven-to-succeed man to make a LOT of money. I’ll speak to the more menial of tasks later.

What if ideas had the same value as work?  What if, like the during the Classical Age, that being a student for life was seen as the highest calling to which one could aspire? It was the value of ideas and questioning that lead to our Math, Sciences and Philosophies. It is little wonder we are still studying those things almost as written by their original masters; for as soon as Society ceased embracing knowledge for knowledge’s sake; most original thought ceased.  What if, like Jonas Salk, a grand idea like the Polio Vaccine was given to all of humanity, rather than allow it to be an entity to be traded in?  Of course, Salk’s medicine is still sold at a price.

I ask of you, what is THE single most important commodity to you in this short life?

It isn’t your labor.  

It’s your TIME.

No one lays on his deathbed wishing she had cleaner floors, or he had worked more overtime.  Truly, having been the caregiver of many of the dying, I say to thee, they wish they had laughed more, loved more, forgiven more, enjoyed their short respite on this planet more fully.

It is this that Western Mindset kills…. moreso with Capitalism than Communism, to be sure.  But both are born of the same judeo-christian tradition, that man must struggle hard in this lifetime, and that there is glory in hard work, that it is the fruits of his labor by which a man be known.

There were other ways once.  Mores and ways that the Westerners destroyed wherever they set foot.  Let me take you on a short trip.

To Raiatea, Tahiti, and the South Pacific Islands once chronicled by Michener, found by the men in WWII to be a strange and wonderful land.

You see, food, laughter, love and sex were as freely shared as the very sea air when they got there.  There was no ownership.  There was no work-ethic.  There was the very communal sharing of, well, everything.  It was common for a woman to give away her first baby, and later in life take in another’s.  It didn’t matter much, you see, for the whole village did indeed raise the children.  Parent’s didn’t “own” children in the way we think of now. They were a gift everyone wanted. Work, per se, happened as needed.  Somebody needed a new roof, everyone picked a day, and made a new roof.  Until one leaked again?  Why worry?  This communal ideal is far easier in a lush and tropical paradise, where the trees hang ripe with fruit all year and the fish were plenty.  Far easier to learn and live than in the brutal colds of Eastern Europe.

The thing they valued most was quality of life. There was an aspect of true love of “other” to the point they really didn’t differentiate between other and self.

It was, in fact, paradise.

Taken separately, the toga-clad philosophers of the past, and the barely-clad pure socialists of the Island, you may not see the correlation.  I do.  They valued goodness, kindness and actual humanity over the accretion of material goods.  Wealth was in how you spent your time, not how much you stockpiled.

Now we have no time.  Our time is spent chasing “stuff”; stuff that increases our happiness and quality of life not one iota.


Contributing Editor DIANE GEE runs The Wild Wild Left, besides her fiery Facebook venue, Links for the Wildly Left, perhaps the most engaging and didactic of all left groups on FB.

 

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