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Requiem for America on the Fourth of July

PLUS: How the Democratic Party Captures and Subverts Revolutionary Energy (w/ Kshama Sawant)

by Chris Hedges & Kshama Sawant
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Chris Hedges

A powerful, insightful analysis, marred, unfortunately, by Hedges anti-communist hatred and liberaloid tendency to attack Russia and Putin as an "authoritarian/dictatorial" state.

Requiem for America on the Fourth of July

Bread and Bullets – by Mr. Fish

Bread and Bullets – by Mr. Fish

Neoliberalism, better understood by its less sanitized term cutthroat capitalism, is the poison that destroyed our democracy. It gave the billionaire class and corporations the ideological cover to impoverish the working class, impose crippling austerity, hollow out democratic institutions, buy off our two ruling political parties and deform our courts into appendages of corporations and the rich.

Neoliberalism drove tens of millions of disenfranchised, desperate people into the arms of Christian fascists, who preyed on their despair and sold them the fantasy of magic Jesus. It drove them into the arms of conspiracy theorists and right-wing charlatans. It drove them down the self-destructive rabbit holes of alcoholism and opioid addiction, compulsive gambling, domestic and sexual violence. These were the inevitable consequences of personal stagnation, disempowerment and feelings of worthlessness, frustration and profound despair.

Neoliberalism ignores the cries of its victims. It dismisses their suffering and rage as irrational, ignorant and racist. It neuters liberal reforms, rendering them cosmetic and useless. Liberal apologists for neoliberalism, no longer concerned with economic justice, retreat into boutique activism. They mouth empty slogans about diversity and political correctness while pretending the relentless class war, unleashed globally since the 1970s, does not exist. The victims of neoliberal deindustrialization, 30 million of whom lost their jobs in the U.S. in mass layoffs, understand that the precarity of their existence does not concern their neoliberal masters.

Right-wing pundits and politicians, such as Donald Trump, who issue crude, vulgar and expletive-laden insults against the traditional neoliberal establishment are celebrated by the disenfranchised for exposing the political charade. These demagogues promise moral and economic renewal for the betrayed, albeit grounded in magical thinking.

Neoliberals peddle their own form of magical thinking. Neoliberalism is as absurd and infantile as the Christian Rapture and Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement. Trump lies like he breathes, but so did previous presidents including Joe Biden, Barack Obama and Bill Clinton. Trump embraces fantasies, but so did they. Trump, like his Democratic predecessors, enriches himself and his family, although with far more ostentation and greed. He, like them, facilitates the ongoing pillage by the billionaire class. Trump is the fascist iteration of the neoliberal con.

Concentrating wealth in the hands of a global oligarchic elite — the twelve richest billionaires own more wealth than the poorest half of the world — is designed to create massive income inequality and monopoly power. It is the antithesis of democratic equality. It is designed to fuel political extremism and foster social and cultural divisions. It is designed to hollow out democratic institutions. Economic rationality is not the point. David Harvey calls neoliberalism “accumulation by dispossession.”

As a ruling ideology, neoliberalism is a brilliant success. Starting in the 1970s, its Keynesian mainstream critics were marginalized or pushed out of academia, state institutions and financial organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The same is true of the media. Compliant courtiers and intellectual poseurs such as Milton Friedman or New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman were given prominent platforms and lavish corporate funding. They slavishly disseminated the official mantra of fringe, discredited economic theories popularized by Friedrich Hayek and the third-rate writer Ayn Rand.

Once the country was forced to kneel before the dictates of the marketplace, once government regulations were abolished, once taxes on the rich were slashed, once money was permitted to flow across borders, once unions were crushed and once trade deals were signed that sent jobs to sweatshops in Mexico and China, the world, these poseurs assured us, would be happier, freer and wealthier. It was a scam. But it worked. And it fueled the rival con game of the demagogues and fascists who were vomited up out of the moral and political morass.

The media bears much of the blame. In the name of objectivity, better understood as neutrality, it absented itself from the class war. It did not investigate the mounting abuses of the rich, corporations or its bought-and-paid-for political class. It did not expose the absurdity of neoliberalism. It rendered the victims invisible. By shutting themselves out of the debate, the media, a vital pillar of any democracy, neutered itself. It too became despised.

Individual freedom, which neoliberalism holds up as the highest good, and social justice are not compatible. Social justice, Harvey writes in “A Brief History of Neoliberalism,” requires social solidarity and “a willingness to submerge individual wants, needs, and desires in the cause of some more general struggle for, say, social equality and environmental justice.” Neoliberal rhetoric is able to “split off libertarianism, identity politics, multiculturalism, and eventually narcissistic consumerism from the social forces ranged in pursuit of social justice through the conquest of state power.”

Neoliberalism, as Ece Temelkuran writes in “How to Lose a Country: The 7 Steps From Democracy to Fascism,” exiles morality from public life. It isolates it in the private space of the individual. It corrals it into “the holding pen of religion” while religion is “clipped and cropped into market-friendly ‘spiritualities.’” Justice and mercy are no longer shared concepts. Personal and public morality are severed. How, she asks, “can we convince people not to commit evil in those realms of public life from which law enforcement is absent?”

“Humans,” she writes, “are incapable of functioning and living together without a good story to bind them and keep a certain set of values intact. That’s why the lack of a story in neoliberalism, the lack of meaning and cause, can be unbearable for the human mind. Since humans are forced to live in a state of mild antipathy — an acceptable amount of antipathy that is crucial to the neoliberal system — they are forever in dire need of a cause, a central triangulation point that they can use to orient themselves in relation to what’s good and what’s bad. The ethical vacuum of neoliberalism, its dismissal of the fact that human nature needs meaning and desperately seeks reasons to live, creates fertile ground for the invention of causes, and sometimes the most groundless or shallowest ones.”

Karl Polanyi in “The Great Transformation” distinguishes between bad freedoms and good freedoms. Bad freedoms are sacrosanct under neoliberalism. They permit the powerful to exploit workers and the natural world until exhaustion or collapse. Pharmaceutical and health care corporations, for example, jeopardize the lives of those who cannot afford their exorbitant prices. The fossil fuel industry is driving us towards extinction.

Good freedoms — freedom of conscience, freedom of speech, freedom of meeting, freedom of association, freedom to choose one’s job — are snuffed out by bad freedoms. The freedom of the many is transformed into the freedom of the few. The result is fascism.

Fascism uses the blunt instruments of fear, intimidation and violence to curb the mounting disquiet. It divides the country into warring factions — the patriots vs. the enemies of the state. It obliterates shared values. It champions the cruelty of hypermasculinity. Those who dissent are branded domestic terrorists. Civil liberties are abolished in the name of national security.


BELOW: A good example of a modern fascist event, starring Donald Trump, who relishes flag-waving, exceptionalist blood-curdling prose, the kind adored by poor-self-esteem rubes, the core of MAGA, while hamming the role of President, regardless of the innumerable lies and self-serving distortions packed in the screed.


The 30- to 100-year sentences meted out to eight anti-ICE protesters in Texas, who were portrayed in court as an “antifa terror cell,” are being normalized. A ninth defendant, David Rolando Sanchez Estrada, was not present at the protest, but was sentenced to 30 years after being convicted of concealing documents when he moved a box of political zines and other materials. A second group of defendants in the broader Prairieland case were sentenced on July 1. Six who accepted plea agreements received prison terms ranging from nearly two years to 15 years, while Ines Soto, who rejected a plea agreement and went to trial, received 50 years.

The equation of civil disobedience with terrorism is routine in countries such as Turkey, Russia and India. It is being cemented into place in Europe. A British judge, in a ruling that mirrors what took place in Texas, recently sentenced four members of Palestine Action as terrorists, sending them to prison for five to nine years, even though they were neither charged nor convicted of terrorism offenses.

It does not matter if Donald Trump, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Narendra Modi, Vladimir Putin or Nigel Farage disappear. The tens in of millions of people “fired up by their message will still be there, and will still be ready to act upon the orders of a similar figure,” Temelkuran writes. “And unfortunately, as we experienced in Turkey in a very destructive way, even if you are determined to stay away from the world of politics, the minions will find you, even in your own personal space, armed with their own set of values and ready to hunt down anybody who doesn’t resemble themselves.”

Our country, as we once knew it, no longer exists. It was methodically destroyed by neoliberal con artists. The institutions and legal protections that once shielded us from tyranny no longer function. Those who champion an open society are orphans, smeared as traitors, excoriated as the “radical left.” I mourn what we have lost. I mourn what we are about to lose. This social isolation will soon be physical isolation. We will be criminalized or driven into exile.

Trump and his fascistic cabal, epitomized by billionaires such as Peter Thiel and Elon Musk, are constructing a mafia state. A nation of gangsters and marks. A nation where they alone have unlimited freedom to pillage and exploit. A nation where the government is privatized. A nation where we are enslaved to corporate technology. A nation where we have no place.
We must name our enemies this Fourth of July. They are the fascists who have seized power. And they are those who, selling us the con of neoliberalism, put them there.

PLUS—

SPECIAL ADDITIONAL FEATURE


The video transcript reveals a detailed discussion about the antagonistic relationship between the Democratic Party and revolutionary socialist candidates who challenge the political and economic status quo from within left-leaning cities like Seattle. The speaker outlines the inherent contradictions in American politics: while millions of working-class voters disdain both major parties, incumbency rates remain extraordinarily high due to systemic barriers and gatekeeping. The Democratic Party, often aligned with corporate interests and labor leadership, actively works to undermine socialist insurgents by running competing candidates, obstructing progressive policy demands, and employing psychological and social ostracization tactics. Using the $15 minimum wage campaign as a case study, the video illustrates how grassroots movements that refuse to compromise with establishment actors can achieve substantial victories despite entrenched opposition. The speaker underscores that true working-class leadership must reject careerism and embrace being an enemy of the system’s ruling class, including the Democratic Party, which routinely punishes those who seriously fight for the working class. The transcript includes a critique of nominally progressive Democrats, such as AOC, who have capitulated to party priorities to avoid political harm, contrasting their approach with the speaker's honest, combative socialist politics.

Highlights

  • [00:50] 🔥 The contradiction between widespread voter disgust for Congress and the high reelection rates of incumbents like 29-year Congressman Adam Smith.
  • [03:03] 💰 Seattle’s Democratic Party represents corporate interests like Amazon and Starbucks, showing how left-leaning cities still have capitalist gatekeeping.
  • [04:44] ✊ Victory in the 2013 $15 minimum wage campaign was a revolutionary demand, representing a grassroots movement challenging party politics and corporate power.
  • [06:52] 🎭 The Democratic Party attempts to defeat revolutionary socialists by running establishment Democrats and ensuring the presence of a Republican spoiler candidate.
  • [08:44] 🚫 Labor leadership often acts as gatekeepers opposing militant worker demands, collaborating with Democratic Party elites to suppress radical change.
  • [11:01] 👑 Social and political ostracization within elected offices serves as a tactic to isolate and weaken working-class representatives.
  • [13:40] 🤐 “Relational and reputational harm” prevents nominal progressives, like AOC, from taking the most radical stances and challenging the party line effectively.

Key Insights

  • [01:26] 🔍 Incumbency and Voter Discontent: The Systemic Paradox
    Despite democratic disillusionment—where both major parties have low approval ratings—the high reelection rates of incumbents such as Adam Smith reveal structural barriers. These include ballot access restrictions, partisan control over primaries, and strategic deployment of spoiler candidates. This paradox is a mechanism that preserves the political establishment and prevents genuine working-class challengers from gaining ground. It highlights how democracy is limited in practice by institutional designs that favor entrenched interests.

  • [03:36] ⚔️ Class War Manifest in Local Politics
    Seattle, though a liberal bastion, is politically controlled by the Democratic Party, which aligns with chambers of commerce and large corporations like Amazon, Starbucks, and T-Mobile. This underscores that left-leaning urban areas are not immune to capitalist control; instead, the Democratic Party acts as a conduit for corporate interests, maintaining the capitalist status quo by co-opting progressive language but opposing radical structural change.

  • [05:46] 💣 Militant Socialist Campaigns as Unique Political Forces
    The speaker’s campaign contrasts starkly with conventional Democratic campaigns by focusing on solid, popular demands like $15/hour minimum wage, taxing the rich, and rent control, rather than personal narratives or personality politics. This militant platform aligns with working-class interests and leads to genuine electoral breakthroughs, exemplified by the 2013 Seattle City Council victory and the broader 15 Now movement. Such campaigns disrupt the bipartisan hegemony and signal the potential for revolutionary socialism to thrive electorally.

  • [06:27] 🎭 Establishment Tactics: Dual Democrat Candidacies and Spoiler Republicans
    The Democratic Party runs multiple Democratic candidates, attempting to split left-wing votes and prevent revolutionary socialists from advancing. They also tacitly support a Republican candidate, expressly recruited to block socialist progress rather than defeat entrenched Democrats. This reveals a bipartisan alliance at the systemic level to maintain capitalist-friendly governance by neutralizing insurgent left-wing voices.

  • [08:44] 🔐 Labor Leadership as Political Gatekeepers Against Working-Class Gains
    The labor movement leadership often aligns with Democratic Party interests, resisting progressive agendas such as the $15 minimum wage. Rather than being a genuine working-class ally, the labor elite tends to function as gatekeepers whose concerns focus on preserving existing power structures within capitalist politics. This alliance poses a significant obstacle to radical change and necessitates grassroots defiance to achieve workers’ victories.

  • [11:01] 🧟 Social Isolation as a Weapon in Capitalist Institutions
    Within elected institutions, left-wing radicals face deliberate social ostracization, a tactic meant to marginalize, demoralize, and fracture collective resistance. Political isolationism alienates socialist representatives from potential allies and sustains the bourgeois political culture where capital’s interests dominate. Overcoming these psychological and social barriers is essential for sustaining militant movements within capitalist political frameworks.

  • [13:40] 😶 Progressive Democrats’ Limitations Under Party Pressure
    Figures like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez have demonstrated how progressive politicians often avoid confrontational politics, choosing reputation management over militant demands like forcing votes on Medicare-for-All. Confession of fearing “relational and reputational harm” exposes the deep-seated control the Democratic Party exerts over even its left-wing members, discouraging genuine working-class advocacy in favor of preserving party unity and career stability.

 


 

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