By David Harris-Gershon
[G]aza is transforming how Jews in America, who support Israel, view the importance and legitimacy of critiquing Israel. It’s compelling people to internalize the notion that criticism and true support, rather than being mutually exclusive, may actually be congruent. Like me, they are all Jews. Like me, they are all invested in the Jewish community and Israel.
Stephen Lendman
Israel (like America) needs manufactured enemies. Having them facilitates violence and instability. They help justify small and larger-scale wars.
Barack Obama meets with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas in the Oval Office Thursday, May 28, 2009. The man sitting between them is an interpreter. Periodic “peacekeeping” efforts by the White House require the collaboration of Palestinian figures. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza)
Note: This article was written before my two-month illness. It remained unsubmitted on my desktop.
[I]t’s appropriate now given Mahmoud Abbas’ less than wholehearted condemnation of Israeli mass murder and destruction in Gaza. It continues as this article is posted on my blog site and sent to web editors.
“A section of the controversial Israeli barrier is seen between the Shuafat refugee camp (right) in the West Bank near Jerusalem and Pisgat Zeev (rear), in an area of Israel annexed to Jerusalem after capturing it in the 1967 Middle East war, Jan. 27, 2012.” (Credit: REUTERS/Baz Ratner/IBTimes)
[T]he ‘two-state solution’ is perennially misunderstood. The solution envisaged has nothing to do with a possible spatio-political division of Israel-Palestine and the ending of the Occupation. Rather it is a public relations device to quell the qualms of those bleeding hearts who find the current impasse unsavory, to deny the necessity (indeed the inevitability) of a ‘one-state solution’, and ultimately to ensure the continuation of the Occupation.
Killed at home.
By Stephen Gowans, Founding Editor, What’s Left
Western Myth (Credit: Photobucket)
If you prick us do we not bleed? If you tickle us do we not laugh?
If you poison us do we not die? And if you wrong us shall we not revenge?
—William Shakespeare
PETER PAVIMENTOV
[W]hen in 1945 after the war most of Europe was in a catatonic depression, learning fully the great atrocities committed against a racial minority (which in actual fact had mingled over the centuries in Western Europe with Caucasians), a people that had contributed so overwhelmingly to science and culture, the personal guilt that people felt by not trying at least to prevent it, was enormous. It caused the trials of the perpetrators and a willingness to help establish a homeland for those who felt they had none and needed a firm ground to prevent similar crimes in the future.