Default Editor Patrice de Bergeracpas

ALAN MACLEOD—And despite the savagery of the era, Britons themselves remember their empire extremely fondly, far more positively than those in countries subjugated by the crown. In 2014, a poll by YouGov found that 59% of the public considered the country’s empire something to be proud of, with only 19% thinking it was a shameful episode in British history. Perhaps more startling is the fact that more than three times as many Britons believed that their colonies were better off than worse off under their control.

These numbers have begun to change, with the rise of new histories and new political movements, such as Black Lives Matter, that have challenged the jingoistic consensus.

Jacques R. Pauwels est né à Gand, en Belgique Flamande, en 1946. Il est historien, politologue et essayiste belgo-canadien. Il a fait ses premiers pas à l’université en obtenant une licence d’Histoire en 1969 en Belgique. Il poursuit ensuite ses études au Canada jusqu’à un Doctorat en histoire, à la York University, à Toronto, en 1976. Il continuera son cursus universitaire dix ans plus tard, en obtenant une Maîtrise en sciences politiques, puis un Doctorat en sciences politiques en 1995 à Université de Toronto.

Jacques R. Pauwels a enseigné l’Histoire et les Sciences Politiques dans plusieurs universités canadiennes. Il s’est spécialisé dans l’histoire de l’Allemagne contemporaine, le Troisième Reich en particulier, et la proximité du géant états-unien. Cela va l’amener à analyser le rôle des USA pendant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale. Jacques Pauwels a publié une dizaine de livres. C’est en 2002, que Jacques Pauwels écrit « Le Mythe de la Bonne Guerre : Les États-Unis et la Deuxième Guerre mondiale » qui sera traduit en six langues et en français par les éditions Aden, en 2005. Il écrira “Big Business avec Hitler” en 2013, où il explique que Hitler a comblé les attentes qu’industriels et banquiers avaient placées en lui.

ABBY MARTIN—Right now we face an unprecedented ecological crisis in need of global cooperation. Instead of becoming a leader to reduce and dismantle nuclear weapons, the US is spending over a trillion dollars to modernize its nuclear arsenal. And despite being a signatory to the Nuclear Non Proliferation Treaty, the US is buying hundreds more. In February, the Biden administration secured a contract with Northrop Grumman for 600 new nukes, for no reason other than to line the coffers of the defense industry.

DC think tank policy prescriptions about nuclear weapons are sponsored by the very arms companies rewarded with lucrative contracts for their recommendations, which always result in further militarization. We need to strategize how we can live in a world beyond nukes, because there will never be peace as long as these weapons exist.

JIM MILES—Canada’s foreign policy is often seen domestically as being a benefit for the world.  Nothing surprising in that as most of the propaganda to support Canada’s foreign affairs is directed at the domestic population, as is done within other countries [the most prominent example being the USA].  Right from the beginning, when Canada was essentially ‘settled’ and the Indian problems had been removed either to the reservations or to the impoverished centers of major towns and cities, Canada’s imperial role, under British guidance, continued.

Canada has never lost the cultural ties to the British that promote imperial military adventurism overseas.  Those links did weaken, but the neighbourly presence of the United States and the increasing encroachment of U.S. affairs binding Canada to the U.S. have directed Canada – willingly for the most part – to support U.S. foreign policies.  It is not always military activities binding the two countries.  NATO, NAFTA, NORAD and other agreements make Canada an effective part of the U.S.empire.

PEPE ESCOBAR—No one ever lost money underestimating NATO’s capacity to reach the depths of inconsequential stupidity. Moscow does not even bother to talk to these clowns anymore: as Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has pointed out, “Russia will no longer pretend that some changes in relations with NATO are possible in the near future.”

Moscow from now on only talks to the masters – in Washington. After all, the direct line between the Chief of General Staff, General Gerasimov, and NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander, General Todd Wolters, remains active. Messenger boys such as Stoltenberg and the massive NATO bureaucracy in Brussels are deemed irrelevant.