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By Jean-Pierre Filiu, Professor at Sciences Po
(Paris Institute of Political Studies)

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Feeding Cameras, Not People: The Gaza Airdrops Hoax Airdrops of food — already attempted in the enclave in March 2024 — are more about placating public opinion than genuinely alleviating the suffering of the Palestinian population, explains historian Jean-Pierre Filiu in this column. By Jean-Pierre Filiu, Professor at Sciences Po (Paris Institute of Political Studies) Source: French Newspaper Le Monde, August 3, 2025 Translation Alain Marshall Airdrops in conflict zones are “the least effective means of distributing” humanitarian aid. That was the categorical conclusion drawn by the U.S. military following its large-scale airdrop campaign in northern Iraq in the spring of 1991. At the time, hundreds of thousands of Kurds had fled to the mountains near the Turkish border to escape repression by Saddam Hussein’s regime. The United States, the United Kingdom, and France had imposed a no-fly zone on Iraqi aircraft in the far north of the country. But the airdrops caused numerous casualties among the refugees — people were crushed by aid pallets, violent fights broke out over supplies, and some parachuted goods landed in minefields. Military personnel involved in the operation protested that it was more of a media spectacle than an effective relief effort, eventually securing authorization to deliver aid by helicopter rather than by parachute. Even that was just a stopgap, until truck convoys were able to deliver humanitarian assistance worthy of the name. “Flour Massacre”The failure of aid airdrops in northern Iraq was so severe that such operations were avoided for over three decades. It took Israel’s determination to weaponize aid as a tool of pressure against Gaza’s population — violating the core principles of humanitarian law — for this makeshift tactic to resurface. By February 2024, four months of unprecedented Israeli bombardment, followed by an equally brutal ground assault, had triggered catastrophic famine in Gaza City and the north of the enclave, which were cut off from the rest of the Strip. A 25-kilogram bag of flour was selling for $1,000, leading to the tragedy known as the “flour massacre” on February 29, 2024: 118 people were killed — shot by the Israeli army, crushed by tanks, or trampled to death in the panic of an aid distribution turned nightmare. Then-U.S. President Joe Biden pledged a “massive increase in humanitarian aid delivered daily to Gaza.” Yet he was unable to convince (sic) Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to reopen land access to the enclave, despite urgent appeals from all major humanitarian organizations. The U.S. military launched an airdrop campaign, delivering 1,000 tons of aid within a few weeks. Still, that total amounted to just 40 truckloads of aid per month — while the United Nations had been calling for the restoration of the pre-conflict flow of at least 500 trucks per day, as was the case until October 2023. Nevertheless, the UK, France, Jordan, and Spain joined the airdrop campaign, whose media visibility far outweighed its operational impact. And never mind that, on March 8, 2024, a plane from the United Arab Emirates dropped a crate with a faulty parachute that crashed, killing five Palestinians. “Hunger Games”The failure of aerial aid was so glaring that the U.S. turned to another stopgap: shipping food by sea, using a temporary pier built in cooperation with the Israeli army. That effort was no more effective. After a month, only the equivalent of a single day’s minimum food supply had been delivered for Gaza’s population. On June 12, 2024, the United Nations announced that at least 32 people, including 28 children under the age of 5, had already died of starvation in the Gaza Strip. In reality, the Israeli offensive on Rafah had closed the last border crossing with Egypt, leaving an entire exhausted population at the mercy of the occupying forces. The few dozen trucks allowed in daily, on average, during the summer and fall of 2024, were also regularly looted by gangs operating on behalf of Israel. It was only during the truce from January 19 to March 2, 2025, that a normal flow of humanitarian aid trucks was restored. Donald Trump, who succeeded Joe Biden in the White House, supported the resumption of the Israeli offensive on March 19. The United Nations and humanitarian organizations are now excluded from aid distribution, which has been taken over by a U.S.-funded “foundation”, protected by the Israeli army. These distributions regularly descend into carnage, hence the nickname “Hunger Games” used in the Palestinian enclave. However, the recent broadcast of shocking images and damning testimonies about the famine in Gaza has finally forced Israel to slightly loosen its grip. Nonetheless, the number of trucks allowed in remains well below the bare minimum required by a population literally on the brink of starvation. And as in March 2024, the airdrops carried out by Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany serve more as a media alibi than an effective humanitarian operation. For instance, all of the aid recently dropped by Spain amounts to only half the load of a single humanitarian truck. |
Gaza: “The effects of famine will be felt across generations”
July 29, 2025
While Israel announced a humanitarian pause in fighting on Saturday, July 26, Michael Fakhri, UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food since 2020 and professor of law at the University of Oregon, asserts that the Jewish state is waging an unprecedented campaign of starvation and “has destroyed Gaza’s food system.”
A young Palestinian carries humanitarian aid received at the Zikim crossing in northern Gaza on July 26. / Habboub Ramez / ABACA Source: French Newspaper La Croix, July 27, 2025
Translation Alain Marshal
La Croix: How would you describe the current situation in Gaza?
Michael Fakhri: We are witnessing the most horrific stage of Israel’s starvation campaign. In 2007, when Israel imposed its military siege around the enclave, it began counting the number of calories allowed to enter Gaza. By September 2023, even before this war began, many people were already hungry, and 80% of the population depended on humanitarian aid.
La Croix: You work on Sudan, Haiti, Yemen… Have you ever witnessed such a situation?
Michael Fakhri: Neither I nor the world’s foremost experts on the subject had ever seen such a rapid onset of famine. It affected 2.3 million people almost immediately. It is also the first time a campaign of this nature has been managed down to the smallest detail: Israel has a highly sophisticated system for controlling every calorie that enters. They ensure Palestinians go hungry, while staying just below international alert thresholds. It is unimaginably brutal.
La Croix: Yet Gaza is agricultural land that long sustained itself…
Michael Fakhri: Israel has not only restricted humanitarian aid, it has destroyed Gaza’s food system: fishing boats — even though the sea is vital for the population — trees, greenhouses, fields. The army has even used white phosphorus, which poisons the soil long-term. Israel has made its intentions clear: to ensure that Palestinians cannot feed themselves — now or in the future — so that they remain weak and dependent on humanitarian aid.
La Croix: The UN has blamed the humanitarian blockade for the famine, while Israel blames looting. What is the truth?
Michael Fakhri: Israel has provided no evidence to support its accusations that Hamas is diverting aid. Since May 19, Israel has allowed only a very limited amount of humanitarian aid to pass and has created militarized sites, managed by the so-called Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which are anything but humanitarian: they are used to lure and trap the population.
In this context, it is only natural that residents rush toward trucks full of food. This would not happen if Israel allowed unimpeded access to humanitarian aid and let the United Nations and other organizations do their work. The UN has operated in Gaza for over seventy years. Of course, it has its problems like any organization, but it is logistically capable of handling the situation. And as the occupying power, under international law, Israel has a duty to ensure Palestinians receive unhindered aid.
La Croix: What are the long-term effects of famine?
Michael Fakhri: The effects are felt across generations. An adult who survives famine suffers mental and physical consequences for the rest of their life. Studies have shown that it affects gene transmission. As for children who survive, their mental and physical development will always be limited.
More broadly, the social trauma will be felt across generations. Because it is very difficult to be at peace with what you had to do during a famine: deciding which child to feed first, and how much; refusing to help your neighbors; eating things you never imagined eating just to survive. Trauma and shame settle in for generations.
La Croix: What more can the UN do in the face of attacks and obstruction from the United States?
Michael Fakhri: The United States’ historic disengagement from the UN and international law did not begin under the current administration, but under the Biden administration. But I must say that the UN Secretary-General and the High Commissioner for Human Rights have done nothing to stop the famine and genocide unfolding before our eyes. States are making political declarations, but we have yet to see genuine multilateral action: no sanctions against Israel, no suspension of arms sales, no arrests of Israeli criminals.
Yet the international community can still act through the UN despite the U.S. blockade. Under the UN Charter, when the Security Council is paralyzed by a veto on a matter of peace and security, the General Assembly has the authority to call for peacekeeping forces to escort humanitarian convoys. What is the point of peacekeepers, if not to stop a genocide and end famine? The time is now.
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